Longmenzhen: What kind of creatures are "left-wing youth"?

In the early morning before the broadcast of the program, I was shocked to learn that the hurricane in Guangdong caused dozens of people to lose contact, including several acquaintances of the program group. The many possibilities we deduced before were finally implemented into one (to be honest, it is really not the worst possibility). We will review the situation in future programs.

Preparations for this program began in June. After many efforts and countless difficulties, it finally came to fruition. Please start enjoying with a relaxed and happy mood. The program is purely fictitious, if you dare to ask questions, it will become reality. If you're really in a hurry, watch parts three or four first.

(one)

Chen Yaojin: 2018 is the year when the Chinese folk left-wing forces are fully exposed to the public opinion viewing platform - "Yangcheng Eight Steeds", "National People's Congress Starlight", "Yanyuan Wangyue", "Lingnan Mengyu"... There are endless wonders. People can't help asking, what kind of group are these "left-wing youths" who suddenly appeared? what are they thinking what are they doing? Today, we are honored to invite two "young proletarian conspirators": Qi Guoyuan and Qin Shubao, to be guests of this issue of "Longmen Zhen".

Qi Guoyuan: Yes, there are three issues that need to be clarified:

First of all, "two horses in the same slot" is nothing new. At the beginning of the last century, all kinds of "Marxism" roamed the European continent. Raymond Aron recalled that in France at that time, nine out of ten intellectuals called themselves "Marxists". Even the Nazis listed Marx as a "great thinker of the German nation" to appease radical thoughts in society and induce them to serve nationalism. Therefore, after the revolutionary vanguard of the past degenerated into the current (monopoly) bureaucratic capital group, it is only natural to embezzle Marxism to consolidate its own legitimacy.

Second, left-wing youths did not "appear suddenly". Let’s just talk about the left-wing associations in colleges and universities. The first ones were in the early 1990s. With Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour to consolidate the previous privatization line, the “anti-reformists” in the party (Deng Liqun, Song Pingping, but note that they are not “Mao Zuo”) were not allowed to Don't "expect the next generation to make a comeback". This gave birth to the first batch of Zuoqing, who used to have some official background (it needs to be pointed out that "official" is not an indivisible entity). In the following nearly 30 years, the left-wing youth groups in mainland China have experienced complex changes, which we will talk about later.

Finally, it is also the point that needs to be noticed the most: the few of us here today are only members of the left-wing youth with a college background, and we must admit that our group has more opportunities to speak out in the left circle. But what really shapes us is probably not just all kinds of academic and industrial products, but also the "cognition" that a large number of front-line workers and senior social activists exchanged for their lives.

Qin Shubao: As a basis for conversation, we need to define the spectrum of various political positions. As we all know, the real and local historical process often makes the "signified" and "signifier" of some concepts undergo subtle shifts, and even produce dislocations or "overlapping shadows"—just like the "two Marxs" in contemporary China.

In terms of classification, using "three-phase division" (liberalism, conservatism, and socialism) instead of "division between left and right" can more accurately describe contemporary social trends of thought. In history, the three positions all have the orientation forms of "radical-progressive", "collective-individual", and "centralization-decentralization" dimensions-this historical fact can help us eliminate the leftovers left by many internal and external debates. Stereotypes of my own—let’s put it more bluntly: Stalin made a thousand mistakes, and socialism still needs to be adopted; fascism is a radical version of conservatism, and it cannot escape; liberals don’t laugh, anarchism on your side is making trouble It's not a good stubble...

It should be pointed out that in the following programs, we may repeatedly use conservatism and liberalism as imaginary opponents, because the current historical context determines that the left wing must use the negation of other trends of thought as a prelude to a positive argument (to put it bluntly, it is our reality The medium is too weak, haha). It is not difficult to foresee that some accusations or attributions are inevitably too abstract, and I hope Haihan.

In the current context, "left-wing (faction)" in the narrow sense is socialism (mainly referring to Marxism and social democracy), while "left-wing (faction)" in the broad sense includes "progressive left-wing in liberalism" (currently nicknamed "White Left") and "Anti-reformists in former socialist countries". At the same time, "extreme right" usually refers to radical forms of conservatism, which are projected as racism, totalitarianism, and patriarchy in contemporary times. Although the left and the extreme right are not at odds with each other, they will both base their claims on the same starting point—social inequality. Therefore, we see that in history, the two often appeared at the same time and collided.

Chen Yaojin: From this point of view, the "polarization of social thoughts" observed by many people has indeed become a trend. As the middle road is eroded, the future human world is likely to come to a fork in the road of "Either Marx or Fascism" . And among the two Marxists in China, Bao Buqi is a fascist in disguise~

Qin Shubao: Let’s continue talking~~Nationalism is divided into two: in oppressed nation-states, it is often aligned with the left; in developed countries (or developing countries that hope to rise to power) they are often aligned with the extreme right. On the other hand, both liberalism and socialism have their own versions of "internationalism": the former usually means "embracing globalization and universal values", while the latter is "a world revolution that seeks to eliminate the state".

Chen Yaojin: Therefore, it is not difficult to judge what the current "official horse" in China is - replace "world revolution" with "national rejuvenation", reject "universal values" with "traditional culture", and replace the "four majors" with comprehensive control. Liberty", trying to appease "Hanists", "New Confucians", and "village sages" in terms of policies, such examples are too numerous to mention.

(two)

Qi Guoyuan: Yaojin, there are actually many things that need to be analyzed regarding ideological trends and genres. But I had to start another extremely lengthy discourse—the historical narrative of modern China (Mainland) from the left-wing perspective—in order to be able to explain these concepts in specific historical situations and sort out the actions of various left-wing groups.

Let’s review the official narrative: According to the latest spirit of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, China’s (near) modern history has been summarized into a three-stage formula of “revolution-construction-reform”, behind which is the idea of “New Democracy-Maoism-Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” The thread that supports and connects them is "national revival". In the final analysis, as long as the "Chinese nation" as a certain entity is developed, all history can be affirmed. At the same time, the main body that promotes history is a "Chinese Communist Party" that has never changed at the ontological level.

Since the end of the 1970s, the gradually growing liberals have also constructed a set of historical narratives: "radical-centralization-difficult democratization". The ideological support behind this is a kind of "transplantation theory"-the Anglo-Saxon civilization has developed the most ideal modern political system, but China always seeks farther away: either repeat the violence of the European continent, or retreat to the ancient barbarism. But what is regrettable is that the history of Britain and the United States seems to be much smoother and more peaceful, and has failed to provide a strong reference for how to overcome China's stubborn power, so that constitutional democracy has become a "real kingdom of heaven." Especially in recent years, liberals have clearly felt that the situation is overwhelming, the bubble of false prosperity has been ruthlessly pierced, and there is a great crisis of "forty years of painstaking efforts, and once it returns to 1989".

The historical narrative of the leftists, the ideological support is quite old-fashioned, so that the output results look very novel (the original table is horizontal, segmented screenshots):

The first controversy comes from the "First Republic" (referred to as "Together"). Because since the "post-communist era", conservatives in power have kept this period of history secret, while liberals, who are mainstream opponents, interpret it as a breeding ground for conservatives. In this way, a plausible "memory device" is about to emerge—"Together" is a realistic version of "1984", a dark past that cannot be recalled. The current darkness and depression are due to the failure to completely liquidate this history. But we can clearly see the break between this period of history and the later ones—citizens pushed towards active political participation, broad direct democracy in communities and units, relatively flat social structures, social forces that can compete with the state apparatus, Sufficient labor income and social security, rapid elimination of discrimination (gender, industry, ethnicity), prominent non-nationalist orientation in foreign affairs.

Chen Yaojin: What needs to be added is that many memories have been "implanted": "state management under the system of ownership by the whole people" and "state ownership" are completely different concepts, and the former was abolished in 1994; The era is not "together", but a "difficult sharing" period of "reducing staff to increase efficiency" and "starting from scratch"; the central government of "together" does not "centralize power", and many important tasks are subcontracted by local governments. The "big central government" is instead a product of the reform of the tax-sharing system; "low efficiency of state-owned enterprises" was unimaginable in the era of workers' congresses, but it was very common in the era of "experts governing factories and one boss system" to sell enterprises cheaply; " and "rebels" were later confused as the same kind of Red Guards, and became synonymous with mobs; the closure or greening of gatherings and announcement spaces (such as Tiananmen Square, Xidan Democracy Wall, Shanghai People's Square, etc.) It started; before the "strike hard" rounds in the 1980s and 1990s, the mainland had widespread civilian armed forces and guns (Lenin's theory of "people's armed forces"); personnel learn foreign languages to join the job), and the essence of the later foreign aid is the expansion of Chinese capital (local workers learn Chinese to work)...

Qi Guoyuan: Your discovery is very keen. The above-mentioned "transplantation" is a result of the "collusion in competition" between conservatives and liberals in the "post-Communist era". When the time enters the "Second Communist Party" and "One Emperor", you will find that the liberals continue to play the role of being "bought and sold" by the conservatives-obviously they were persecuted by the conservatives in the "anti-rightist" and "Cultural Revolution", However, after the reform and opening up, he actively participated in rehabilitating Liu Shaoqi, and unintentionally cooperated with those in power to establish authority; he did not reflect on his personal experience, but only described "scars", and unintentionally cooperated with those in power to blur history; he actively bid farewell to the revolution and talked about " "Blue Civilization", inadvertently cooperating with those in power to build a "national rejuvenation" narrative; advocating "privatization of state-owned enterprises", assisting those in power to strangle the working class as a force of resistance; The realization of "power-money" provides ideological soil...a basic law is that when the ruling class needs to increase mobility and break through the existing system's covering of non-negotiable capital (savings, cultivated land, old state-owned enterprises, etc.) Liberalism will have room to grow freely; when inequality increases, economic crisis erupts, and geopolitical conflicts escalate (the three always go hand in hand), bureaucratic capital (big state-owned or “right” capital) will Manipulating state violence to harvest capital painstakingly accumulated by small and medium-sized capitalists, at the expense of the proletariat and the petty bourgeoisie, ensures that the ruling class can survive until the crisis subsides (in fact, the crisis is temporarily subsided by "abandoning some people").

Qin Shubao: Over the past forty years, mainstream liberals have failed to overcome the following cognitive problems:

Always entangled in the one-dimensional interpretation framework of "authority-democracy", but failed to see that the political system is only a tool of class rule-these forty years of "hope-disappointment" return is a waste of emotion —The rulers only add and remove clothes according to the seasons. Liberalism has often described the opposition between individual power and public power, and can portray individual power brilliantly, but it is often vague about the other end. Even if the hypothesis of contract theory is introduced, it lacks historical basis. The leftists will bluntly point out that after private ownership replaced the ancient public ownership and became the mainstream, public power is the "publicized private power" of some people.

Wishful thinking believes that free competition is "the only orthodox form of capitalist society", modern entrepreneurs are "the only orthodox protagonist of capitalist society", and monopoly capital is regarded as "a remnant of the power of the old age". They fail to realize that the logic of capitalism only includes "accelerating and increasing capital circulation" and has no intention of "sweeping all non-capitalist factors." Nation-states, bureaucratic groups, and even clan churches have not been wiped out by globalization. On the contrary, they have been further strengthened by actively cooperating with the transformation of capitalism, and they have become shocking players under the rules of private ownership. Especially in the geographical space that has recently been incorporated into the global capitalist system, these "inherited" players have severely squeezed the living space of modern entrepreneurs. On the other hand, market competition under private ownership inherently implies the rule of "winner takes all" (the "antitrust law" does not help, because the legislative body is the largest trust), so "free competition" is definitely An unsustainable state for a long time, it is destined to move towards "monopoly control". Simultaneously, it is also logical to slide from "political correctness of universal values" to "anti-political correctness of the law of the jungle".

For the judgment of the nature and strength of the country, it still inherits the nationalist perspective of "River Elegy", supplemented by "the theory of China's collapse", and builds social transformation on the expectation of "weakness of the country". This underestimates the prospect of the country moving towards a powerful imperialism. Imperialism is not difficult to achieve. In history, there has never been a "perfect imperialism" in which domestic conflicts are basically smoothed out and international competition is fully dominant. We can see that the huge size of China has provided sufficient accumulation for the ruling class in a short period of time, and the suppression of the internal labor movement, feminist movement, and frontier ethnic groups has been vigorously suppressed, and the external monopoly of the countries along the "Belt and Road" Trade wars with adversaries (it would be naive to expect this trade war to bring down countries) - all in all, we are in a powerful empire. Its strength, on the one hand, is reflected in its active siege of cities and territory, and the unity of the parties to fight against differences, and on the other hand, it has sufficient space to shift and postpone conflicts. It is whimsical to complete the revolution only by thinking and speaking skills without making sufficient material preparations.

At the level of epistemology, he has always been unwilling to abandon presuppositions such as "natural state", and applies concepts such as "natural freedom" and "human essence" in practice. They don't want to admit that the "talent" of human beings is actually only a biological attribute, and that ethics and virtue are the result of social construction. In the atomized (personalized) contemporary society, the general sense of deprivation inevitably shapes a large number of elements who believe in "social Darwinism". When liberals sell monism or universal values to these people, but few respond, they never reflect on how to transform the environment in practice (of course including the self and others in the environment), but just turn around and mutter a few complaints Words (such as "Summer insects don't speak ice", "Empathy is born" and so on). Except for the reaffirmation of "China's freedom is really hard", there is nothing else.

Qi Guoyuan: In terms of historical perspective, the most puzzling phenomenon for me is that the unofficial logic of simply explaining the grand and complicated process of the Chinese revolution as "conspirators fooling the common people" can be found among the liberal giants who have read a lot of poetry and books. It is so widely circulated that I have to wonder whether they really believe in "universal values"-the switch between "ontology" and "skepticism" depends entirely on experience and emotion. Here we can get a glimpse: elite historical views often cast the shadow of anti-intellectualism—they bind intellectual identities with wisdom, virtue, and power, while praising the development of the principle of freedom in modern history, while claiming that the previous All practices are destroyed by schemers and fools. Therefore, their confidence in "the inevitable progress of mankind" actually comes from a kind of "freedom" that has never been realized, and this kind of freedom is like an "exclusive secret recipe" passed down from generation to generation among a small group of people. But when we opened this secret recipe, we found that there was only one line in it: "Swear to the death that you are not a member of the masses"

"The world should be ruled by a few people, and we deserve it." However, the humor of history is reflected at this moment-only the first half of the sentence is fulfilled for them.

Chen Yaojin: Look, we were going to talk about the historical narrative of the left, but it turned out to be a "spit conference" to criticize the liberals...Of course this reflects a phenomenon: the historical construction of the left is often based on the history of liberalism. over the sublation (aufheben) of conception. This is true of Europe in history, and it is also true of modern China.

Qi Guoyuan: Among the group of leftist youths today, which one didn't cross over from the territory of the liberals? Let me first throw out a sensational conclusion-in a sense, the left is the most loyal believer in liberalism .

Take Marx for example:

The Anglo-French Revolution ushered in an era of liberalism, which was star-studded, and Hegel on the other side of the Rhine first reviewed and discarded these liberalisms. Hegel developed freedom in the negative sense as "reflective freedom" and even "social freedom", and pointed out how the principle of freedom can be implemented through the modern state ("Principles of Legal Philosophy"). On the basis of Hegel, Marx further inspected the "modern state" ("Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law", "On the Jewish Question"), and realized that the principle of freedom had not been realized. He analyzed that the real force that hinders freedom comes from civil society, thus opening the critique of classical economics.

In another clue, Marx, who originally had a strong background of humanism, introduced the perspectives of anthropology and history on the road of exploring "human nature", through "alienated labor" ("Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1884") ), got rid of the attachment to the transcendental "human essence", and finally created historical materialism ("German Ideology").

The confluence of the two clues is the most fundamental transcendence of traditional liberalism—the private ownership of the means of production that seems to express "individual sovereignty" is precisely the real murderer of human freedom .

Qin Shubao: Let me expand the discussion above the book:

AIn modern civilization, the "state" or "law" is not a neutral object or a sacred contract floating above society and the market at all. The "property of globalization" is the spoils of war for the class that has achieved dominance. Therefore, the so-called statement that "the state violates individual freedom" does not conform to the facts, but should mean that "some people use the state apparatus to infringe on the freedom of others." This is the same configuration as the boss using his power to sexually harass his subordinates.

B Discussing whether there is a priori "human nature", "virtue" or "natural state" will lead us into sophistry. Fatalistic expressions such as "justice will eventually triumph" and "finally be free" can be completely complemented by saying "evil will eventually triumph" and "temporary freedom"-and the two can completely draw arguments from the same history. If it is said that human beings generally agree that a certain idea should be realized, then the inevitability of this realization depends on nothing but continuous practice in the appearance of chance.

C The issue of "abolition of private ownership" seems to be a very huge obstacle to everyone's understanding of Marxism-I have been so cruelly deprived, and you still want to cancel my few remaining properties? Let's analyze where the "brutal deprivation" you feel comes from—either from a person or from an organization (company, country, etc.). After the discussion in Part A, we have realized that organizations are tools used by people, so that two aspects can be combined into one: under the premise of private ownership, no matter the strong or the weak, the property they own is limited (not enough to satisfy all) needs), man must therefore go beyond the boundaries of his own property to acquire property within the territory of others. The market is certainly an ideal platform for trading ownership, but when the strong find that the cost of stealing is lower, he will inevitably choose the latter. Private ownership first sets up barriers between people, and regards separation and confrontation as "natural" - before you get in touch with what you need, you must first get in touch with other people's "property rights", and pay an unnecessary price for this. At the same time, private ownership is powerless to prevent the occurrence of barbaric plunder—every time it is repaired in history, it will be used for a higher level of barbaric plunder in the near future. Not only that, as more and more elements are involved in capital circulation, private ownership relations have become pervasive—many human attributes that were originally irrelevant to the commodity market have also been involved in endless disputes, such as race, gender, sexual orientation, emotion, etc. , aesthetics and so on.

Chen Yaojin: In this way, private ownership has gradually become the "underlying and comprehensive rule of law" in modern society, and it has become the biggest obstacle to human freedom.

In private property, a man has nothing but his own property; but once private property is abolished, everyone can have everything. Exploring alternatives to private ownership is exactly the general practice of the left to fulfill the principle of freedom .

(three)

Chen Yaojin: Just now we expressed the historical narrative at the principle level by sublating liberalism. Next, let's talk about "historical stories". It is estimated that many viewers came here for this part—since you leftists are so talkative, what have you been doing all these years?

Qin Shubao: Everyone just heard us criticize liberalism and thought it was very poisonous. But our real poisonous tongue is often reserved for our own people, haha.

First of all, I think the left circle should claim the crime of "talking but not practicing". Compared with the vigorous actions of the liberals, we seem to have spent more energy on "infighting" in the past three decades-and it is still not over. But what I need to argue is that this kind of struggle is not without substance. On the contrary, in order to gain an advantage in the struggle, each faction will carry out ideological sorting and action practice. The integration of forces within the left must be fully digesting the historical burden ( Although it is very heavy) and can be completed on the basis of fully overcoming difficulties and trial and error. The so-called "seek unity through struggle, and unite to survive".

Next, please invite experienced relatives to take stock of the "mountains" inside the left circle for you. However, in view of the fact that this platform is still not completely safe (it is not difficult for the country's violent agencies to monitor Matters with technology or manpower), according to the discipline of confidentiality, do not provide or hint at the information of our comrades - don't end up collecting the work for the authorities, That was really "composing a hymn of loyalty".

Qi Guoyuan: Haha, it's natural. Let me let you know what to say, and insert a sentence: In the future, it is not suitable to write your real name in joint letters, unless you are a celebrity, or someone who clearly wants to be a standard bearer. If the organizer finds out that ordinary workers and students have left real information, they will transform it and make it public, because the exposure and sacrifice in this link is meaningless—it is reported that the current "Jasic incident" that is in full swing has attracted the attention of the Ministry of Education and ordered All colleges and universities record the information of students who participated in solidarity and joint names-today, petitions are just a kind of etiquette before the real thing.

At the beginning we said that in the 1990s, the anti-reform faction in the party inspired the establishment of the first batch of left-wing associations. The guiding ideology of these associations is "Leninism" and "Maoism", but today, it seems that they are actually the more conservative aspects of the two ideas, such as "one big and two public" and "vanguard", which have a relatively strong Nationalism, statism and other "establishment" characteristics, the main appeal is "opposition to privatization of public enterprises" and "opposition to globalization". To put it simply, the first batch of left-wing associations believed that there were still many remnants of socialism in the country at that time, and it was necessary to defend it.

In the 21st century, with the restructuring of state-owned enterprises and the wave of layoffs, China’s entry into the WTO, and the suppression of workers’ rights protection, etc., irreversible historical events have occurred one after another. Intellectuals overthrew the country, but were completely abandoned by the country in less than 10 years. However, at this time, associations often used "organizational discipline" as an excuse to prevent students from participating in the labor movement, so members began to leave the association and form separate organizations. However, because the establishment leftists still monopolize more public opinion resources, and liberalism is making great strides, the leftists still appear to be attached to conservatives and criticize liberals on a macro level. Coupled with the theoretical production of new and old scholars such as Wang Shaoguang, Hu Angang, and Wang Hui, the leftist camp once showed "false prosperity." The loss of power of the leftists of the establishment will have to wait until the comedy of Wuyouzhi.com betting on Bo Xilai in 2012 is revealed to the world.

Chen Yaojin: Betting on "Bo Qingtian" is exactly what Mao Zedong said: "It is difficult to change the leader of opportunism."

Qi Guoyuan: Yes, looking at the leftists in the establishment today, they have illusions. "Only oppose bad emperors, not good emperors." Of course, there is also a material basis behind this: all their lives are placed within the system, and they oppose liberal reforms, largely because they are unwilling to accept changes in the environment. Therefore, it is difficult to expect them to fight against the institutional machinery that shapes them. Here is a passage from leftists in Hong Kong and Taiwan: The "Federation of Trade Unions", which was extremely heroic in the 1967 riots, also became an unprincipled supporter of nationalism and nationalism after the reunification, often hindering the labor movement of the new generation of leftists (For example, the United Hong Kong government opposes "trade union collective bargaining rights"). In Taiwan, because of the experience of the Chiang Kai-shek era, the old leftist forces are relatively weak, but they are also faced with the entanglement of "how to face the mainland".

Going back to the first decade of the 21st century, in addition to the first batch of "government-run leftist associations" splitting up, two types of "civilian leftist associations" also emerged in other regions:

One is the students who left the "government run". After taking part in the work, they connected with young people nearby and bred a group of associations. This type of association is more focused on practical participation, able to bond two generations of workers (the laid-off workers of the old state-owned enterprises, and migrant workers in cities) and is still the reserve army of the labor and social movements. It is more interesting on the theoretical level, because the founders are mostly based on "Leninism" and "Maoism", so they pay more attention to the remarks of the two leaders before they seized power (and Mao's support for the "rebels" during the Cultural Revolution remarks). If it is said that the establishment left created a version of "defensive Li-Mao thought", then they created an "offensive Li-Mao thought".

The other is intellectuals from the background of "Western Marxism" who grew up after Kaikai, and they are more concerned about the reforging of theoretical weapons. At the fork in the road at the end of the 19th century, instead of following Lenin, they embarked on the road of "Luxembourg couple-Lukacs-Gramsci-Bloch-Althusser-Badiou". Roughly speaking, Western Marxism is used to answer the question of "how to complete revolution in areas where capitalism is relatively mature". Members of these associations mostly choose to stay in the intellectual circles and participate in the struggle for cultural hegemony. The biggest feature of this type of association is that it is decentralized and the organization is relatively loose. The advantage is that there are few sectarian views and they are very friendly. A revolution is like a dinner party.

After more than ten years of development, the boundaries between the above two types of associations have been blurred. We might as well collectively refer to them as the "Youth Left". A series of young people who have been in the whirlpool of public opinion recently all come from this camp.

It should also be pointed out that here we only introduce the "play house" organizations in colleges and universities - after all, students who agree with left-wing ideological trends may not necessarily join left-wing movements. As for the organizations at the front line of society, they are even more complicated. I don’t know everything about it, and what I know involves confidentiality, so I won’t make a systematic description. What's more, we currently don't have a central leadership organization. No one can tell how many wild leftist organizations there are in the Chinese-speaking world, how many industries they have infiltrated, and how many mountains they have created.

Just to add a word, if there are "eyes" watching this article, I suggest that your report to Shangfeng can be worded as follows: "The Communist Party can never be killed." No matter how you understand this sentence, there is no problem. If the superior is happy, maybe I can give you a formal compilation.

Qin Shubao: After talking about the "big troops", let's talk about those "range teams" who won by surprise:

The first is the "ghost" of the international communist movement - the Trotskyites. Great Comrade Trotsky~ You are not alone, you are a team! You died earlier than anyone else, and you lived longer than anyone else! Ulla! … After the end of the Cold War, the Trotskyites carried the banner of the international communist movement, and they fought head-to-head with many reactionaries on this planet. However, Chinese officials followed the Soviet Union in denying Trotskyism during the "Communist" period, and it is even more impossible today. Therefore, the Trotskyites in China cannot form an open organization, and are often dispersed among various leftist groups to exert influence, and try to cover up the label of Trotskyites as much as possible to avoid being accused of "colluding with foreign forces".

The Left in the "Multicultural Movement". Contemporary feminism is generally seen as a trend independent of other political spectrums. However, feminist movements in history often drew a lot of ideological resources of liberalism and socialism. They tend to have stable organizational relationships and work targets, and in recent years have begun to pay more attention to women's power in the workplace. In addition, the left wing in the fields of sexual orientation and environmental protection has also gradually emerged. However, due to the prejudice of the former establishment left, the power of the left wing in this part is still quite weak.

The progressive old left. Some "establishment leftists" were losers in defending state-owned enterprises back then, and have been involved in defending the rights of laid-off workers for a long time since then. But they often insist on "opposing the line, not opposing the party" and resort to the government's plan to "make decisions for the people" by sanctioning capitalists. Another group of progressive old leftists were the leaders of the "rebel faction" during the Cultural Revolution. This group of old people had amazingly progressive thinking—not only were they able to use Leninism to see through the pretense of "one emperor", they were also able to understand postmodern social movements (gender, sexual orientation, etc.) , race, environmental protection, etc.) to express their agreement. However, these old people have been persecuted repeatedly in the past 40 years, and many of them have a bleak old age and gradually withered. The collation of their oral history must be done quickly.

Supporter of leaders of other socialist countries. The influential "Hoxha Doctrine" and "Castro Doctrine" in the left circle provide us with precious ideological resources for reflecting on Maoism—this is a critique from within the Communist Movement. For example, the great-nation chauvinism latent in the "Three Worlds Theory" (it is indeed fully developed by those in power today). Reviewing the historical issues of the Korean Revolution, we can also see the difficulties faced by the international proletarian coalition. "Stalinism" seems to have few responders. His betrayal of Lenin and persecution of Trotsky have been generally recognized. The effort made is still worth studying.

Chen Yaojin: In addition to the history of the above-mentioned schools, I think the more overarching history is the transition from the "late two communists" to the "early one emperor" that everyone generally experienced. From my personal point of view, there is no one to lead the way, and it is completely deteriorating reality step by step that pushes me to the left. It should be said that very few people of our generation hold a left-wing position at the beginning of their involvement in politics. Basically, it is either liberalism (oh, Teacher Liu Yu, I shed tears when I think of her), or a nationalist who is "left in form but protected in reality" (that is, Ziganwu and Little Pink, who think they are very leftist now). Don't laugh, the majority of left-wing youths really came from the self-government five years ago. Because they had extremely high expectations for the country and believed that certain non-socialist elements were reversible—however, various "new labor movements" (mainly migrant workers, such as Foshan Nanhai Honda workers) that emerged after 2005, Overseas exploitation by Chinese companies and a series of regulatory policies after the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China have completely shattered the illusions of these young people.

Qi Guoyuan: There is also a question of the appearance of the times. For those of us born in the 90s, cynicism actually accounts for the vast majority. Because it happens that I have no memory of the pains of the transition from the "Communist Party" to the "Second Communist Party", and before the "One Emperor" generally revealed its ugly face (in fact, it was nearly 3 years), the passionate years passed. The discipline received during growth is basically learning from success plus luck. Symptoms of cynicism are: when liberalism flourishes, it shows a high degree of tolerance and fully enjoys various cultural products; when conservatism rises, it shows great flexibility and fully understands the difficulties of being in charge. Therefore, in the most declining era, the left wing just selected the most uncompromising group of "stab heads" among the post-90s generation— we are the highest expression of the defects of this era, and we will inevitably become the confidant of the world.

Leftists study how to engage in mass movements every day, and what they are most afraid of is that the opponent has a large number of people, because we know best how much water there is in him. When the trend of liberalism was popular, many people who bought it would not practice what they agreed with, so they were quickly beaten back to their original form in recent years. In the same way, the conservative activists are just a handful, they just mastered the ruling weapon of the "state". As a result, they are now greedy and feel that they are not enough manpower, and they have begun to mobilize a new generation of 50 cents and populists. Many of us came from there, and we know very well that such a mobilization is self-destruction of the Great Wall. So I think the situation is not a little good, but a great one!

(Four)

Chen Yaojin: After talking about the history, let's talk about the future. In what areas will the "Youth Left" devote its energies?

Qin Shubao: The labor movement is our consistent "core business". Our methods in the past ten years are becoming more and more limited at present: the mobility of enterprise employment is becoming stronger and stronger, and a company often subcontracts labor recruitment to multiple labor dispatch companies, which makes the contract relationship chaotic, and the objects of rights protection are intricate, false and submissive. As local governments shift from relying on land transfers to relying on corporate taxation, the peace and protection of public power and capital have become closer (such as the eye-popping "Hongmao Medicinal Wine Trans-Provincial Incident"). While the program was being recorded, the backbone of the support group for the Jasic incident was controlled by unknown persons. It is clear that all parties involved in the "government-capital-black" parties in Shenzhen are immune to the pressure of public opinion. In every street in the first-tier cities, frequent registration, spot checks, and monitoring are carried out for the floating population, making it very difficult for workers to connect in series. The factory has established a background review mechanism for recruiting workers, especially for the phenomenon of "high-end education applicants for low-end positions", because it is very likely that "left youths will enter the factory". At present, it is imminent to explore more skillful means of struggle.

Qi Guoyuan: It's not just thinking in vain. We have a wealth of historical and realistic data that needs to be sorted out urgently. The weakness and hesitation of the left wing in practice before gave birth to a lot of contention, and objectively formed the "Qianjia School" of the left. Connected with international friends to carry out "overseas shopping" and sorted out a large amount of historical materials of the communist movement. In the foreign part, the research on the former Albanian leader Hoxha has far surpassed domestic officials and academies. In China, in addition to the most popular Cultural Revolution, there are also the Ruijin period ("pre-Mao era"), party organization activities in white areas, etc., especially the party history in the 1920s, because it has some possible "reference value" and has become a prominent school. . Next, we need to further sort out the new and old labor movements since the reform and opening up—many workers’ spontaneous rights defenses are extremely technical (far beyond imagination), and they often go further than wishful thinking intellectuals.

Chen Yaojin: Postmodern society is called "late capitalism" in the left circle (see related writings by Fredric Jameson and Ernest Mandel for details), among which "gender equality movement" (although it has existed for a long time), "sexuality equality movement", "environmental protection "ism" and other ideological trends have almost dominated the most dynamic resistance movement in contemporary times. With the 798 Rainbow incident and the concentrated explosion of the Mitu movement, more and more leftists have realized the necessity of getting involved in these struggles after going through internal debates. The left must liquidate its own naivety—expect some kind of "pure" revolution, that is, imagine a decisive battle with the core part of capitalism, so as to underestimate the counter-mainstream struggle in the subcultural background. In fact, contemporary capitalism no longer exposes itself in the open space, but is good at hiding behind all kinds of subcultures, fragmenting conflicts, and at the same time pushing instrumental rationality to the center of ideology, thereby avoiding structural resistance.

Many postmodernists criticize the left for a certain "essentialist tendencies," and we take this criticism with a grain of salt. The reason is that we can judge that in late capitalist society "whole emancipation is a prerequisite for partial emancipation". Taking same-sex orientation discrimination as an example, looking back at history, we can see that all public ownership societies (communes, city-states, etc.) are highly tolerant of same-sex orientation, but after the emergence of family private ownership, property rights, family, inheritance rights, and childbearing were bound together, and homosexuality It seemed heinous. How can the isolation and emancipation of homosexuals be possible if other communities are not emancipated from the private ownership of the family? The legalization of marriage obviously does nothing to solve the power relationship in marriage-the existing problems in marriage between the sexes are inevitable.

Qi Guoyuan: The current extremely prominent regional-ethnic issues (see https://matters.news/forum/?post=8cbd7d37-7da8-4c91-b3a8-8f611baaa86d) were previously ignored by almost all factions. We might as well predict with a "magic stick": I am afraid that neither the democratic revolution nor the labor movement will directly lead to the collapse of "one emperor", but the most likely is the national civil war (see the Yugoslav Civil War, the British-Irish War). Of course, there is another possibility of imperialist world war. Once this happens, we will go back to the Russian Revolution, so I won’t repeat it here.

It is necessary to understand such a background: after China’s reform and opening up, China became a powerful capitalist country in the world through “internal colonization” (external colonization was after joining the WTO). The theory of "internal colonization" was practiced in Hokkaido, Japan in the Meiji era, and achieved remarkable results. Its symptoms are: the formation of an exploitative relationship between "developed and backward" regions within the territory of the country, whose size and mechanism can be compared with the colonization between countries; in terms of ideology, the ideology of developed regions is the state Ideologies and underdeveloped areas are endowed with various pre-modern imaginations, forming a certain "exotic style" in terms of cultural symbols. One of the most ironic examples is that the pre-modern imaginations (so-called non-struggle, inflexible, etc.) of former industrial centers such as Northeast China and Central China are precisely derived from the high level of human rights and contractual spirit of public-owned enterprises. The reason why Chinese capitalism was able to rise in a short period of time was precisely because it took advantage of the dual-track system in the early reform period to push the labor products of the "community" period to the market and realize arbitrage. Simultaneously implemented is the rapid widening of the gap between the coast (arbitrageurs) and the inland (producers).

This kind of "foreign imagination" in the territory is not just a by-product of freedom, on the contrary, it can become a sharp weapon of imperialism's internal oppression for its own sake. Smaller ones can produce discrimination. In modern capitalist society, socialized discrimination comes from the migration of labor force. Therefore, "regional discrimination" and "racial discrimination" in China correspond to the same meaning - "Henan accent", There is no real difference between "not eating pork" and "colored skin". Bigger ones can complete the mobilization of fascism. A few days ago, the large-scale mass incident of "Beijingers besieging Northeast drivers" (how we wish our movement could mobilize so many people) has shown us this amazing energy ——The “rentier petty bourgeoisie” formed due to demolition compensation, womb lottery (born in the central city as “land households”), and land mergers have always been the basic base of fascism. In the history of first-mover imperialism, they were often guided to open up overseas colonies. Later imperialism often mobilizes these forces for internal oppression because of the lack of overseas colonies. The most classic approach is to construct the forces that pose the greatest threat to the monopoly of the ruling class as "conspiracy groups" and cleanse them. Relief within the empire. The German Nazis found the Jews, who might they be in contemporary China? Let us wait for the Han businessmen in the eastern region to give a "Crystal Night" to halal restaurants.

This "involved" confrontation has shown its highest form in Xinjiang. A brief review of history shows that the "Second Communist Party" first "let the tiger go back to the mountains" of the former minority bourgeoisie and developed private ownership. As a result, the just-growing besieged bourgeoisie began to seek to divide the land and divide the borders—since it was impossible under the background of Han chauvinism Manipulating the state apparatus, then becoming independent as a new nation-state and directly connecting with world capitalism is obviously a shortcut to turn yourself into a ruling class. However, the hot pen girls failed to succeed. Only terrorism responded positively, and the masses of the surrounding ethnic groups still lived in the inertia of class alliances in the "communist" era. However, with the formation of the internal colonial structure, terrorism spread rapidly in the cracks where the class alliance disintegrated. Under the premise that the empire could not return to the "communist" era, it could only resort to state violence to suppress it. This kind of "passing through one by one" (even those in the system are not trusted) will eventually lead to an ending-the nationalism that the Hot Pen Yas failed to mobilize before is fully awakened. Looking back at the process of Irish independence, it can be said that there is not far to learn: the Great Famine did not arouse Irish nationalism. It was precisely when the British government began to secretly isolate, censor, and assassinate Irish people that nationalism grew wantonly. If you feel that the intensity of the war between Britain and Ireland is not high enough, please look to the Balkans——A student from Xinjiang once refuted me and said, "You have not experienced the 7.5 incident, so you do not understand the necessity of high-pressure control. That is really what I have seen. The scariest thing." I held back a sentence in my throat and said, "You think 7.5 is the scariest because you haven't experienced the racial vendetta mobilized by the whole people."

As early as Marx observed in "German Ideology", colonies can often represent the most contemporary rule of the suzerain country, and will be passed back to the suzerain country after maturity. No, there is already evidence that Xinjiang's governance methods have begun to spread rapidly to the mainland.

Regarding the above problems, my judgment is that we should prepare for the worst (that is, conflicts will break out within 3-5 years): at this stage, on the one hand, unite the proletariat of all ethnic groups to move towards universal resistance (the current nationalism among the Han proletariat is very weak, But the national sentiment of minority laborers is often reinforced by class oppression), not separatism or anarchism. On the other hand, divide and disintegrate racism in the petty bourgeoisie, especially resolutely defeat group mobilization. Once a conflict breaks out unfortunately, the proletariat must resolutely strive for the leadership of the struggle of the oppressed nation, drive across the intersection of nationalism in the shortest time, and merge into the left front lane.

Chen Yaojin: I would like to add that during the period of the Second Communist Party, the control of public opinion we saw was mainly based on "stability maintenance logic", that is, no voice was allowed. This is actually not the worst situation, because it will only make everyone escape from public issues, and go to "Buddhism" or postmodern subculture, and the extreme right and the extreme left will have nothing to do. But the current turn is really worrying—that is, the "directed mobilization of the extreme right." We have seen that opinion leaders from Mu Hei, Feminist Black, and Little Pink will not be banned even if their remarks are extremely outrageous. In the temple, those who were still in the "logic of maintaining stability" were dismissed one after another (a certain boss was also given the treatment of "reporting crimes" for two minutes on the news broadcast). Among the people, the petty bourgeois gradually left the keyboard, took to the streets and "exported martial arts" against foreigners or ethnic minorities. We are forced to deal with this round of deadly confrontation. The witty words on our platform are wonderful, but how to translate them into anti-mobilization of public opinion that can stand up to everyone needs a lot of urgent work-people, money, and Gotta have fists.

Qin Shubao: Change to a lighter topic. In addition to material-based struggle, it is also necessary to transcend the current ideology. Even if you study the most vulgar version of dialectics, you must understand that the antithesis cannot solve the dilemma of the thesis, and you must include all the particularities of the pros and cons to achieve transcendence. For example, Trump represents the highest negation of the Democratic Party's eight-year rule, but he cannot bring progress, but can only return to the earlier link-everyone thinks he is new, just because of his bad memory. We want to accomplish three transcendences:

(Alpha), the main line of the traditional liberal historical narrative - constitutional democracy, must be included in our narrative version, and it must be revealed to the society: the beginning of China's democratic regression was not in 1989, but in 1978 . What needs to be explained is that here we do not refer to the "Together" as a democratic regime (in fact, it is more like an unformed thing that struggles between democracy and autocracy), but that many of the democratic elements in it began in 1978. towards irreversible obliteration. Liberals have a classic criticism: "Deng Xiaoping only carried out economic reforms, but not political reforms." On the contrary, Deng's political reforms were seamlessly coordinated with economic reforms, and he cleverly used liberals: First, he bought The cadres of various enterprises promised bureaucratic benefits after privatization. At the same time, using the "overtime shift system" and higher levels of welfare to appease the workers, the working class, which had the potential to expand infinitely, can be transformed into a specific class (while opening the floodgates for the rapid influx of rural labor into the cities, obviously these people have not been able to become workers class, but only "cheap factors of production"). After a period of time, the elites began to advocate "experts governing the factory" and "one-manager system" to marginalize the workers' congress (the decision of the factory director no longer needs to go through the workers' congress). After the enterprise is controlled by a small number of people, black-box operations, speculation, turning profits into losses, and accumulations are hard to return within a short period of time. At this time, the memory of "low efficiency of public ownership" was rampant. In the end, "the new three associations replaced the old three associations". In terms of legal rights, both the recognition of private ownership in the 1984 Constitution and the change from “state-owned” to “state-owned” in the 1994 Party Constitution are the ultimate confirmation of the above-mentioned political-economic reforms. On another thread, the stagnation of production (the research and development and production levels of small private enterprises are far inferior to those of large factories, and they are all busy with arbitrage), and the bureaucrats used the dual-track system for speculation, which completely intensified the economic crisis and social conflicts in the late 1980s. square. The difference from the May 4th Movement was that there was no formed working class to support them at this time, only the castrated "working class". And workers who did not support students also got their destiny in the 1990s-reducing staff and increasing efficiency. At this time, the country has completed the use and betrayal of the liberals, and the bribery and abandonment of the working class, just like a violent father killed his son who asked him for a second piece of candy, and then threw his cumbersome grandfather in the In the wild - he became the veritable head of the family, because he was the only one on the household registration. Oh, that's not right, I see that his family has a lot of people from a distance? You go in and see clearly: those are slaves! Entering the new century, liberal intellectuals seem to have ushered in a second spring, but they were surprised to find in the late spring that the small and medium-sized entrepreneurs who were with them at the beginning have all become big chaebols with bureaucratic backgrounds and embraced conservatism.

(Beta), to turn the masks of conservative authorities into their shackles. Conservatism is not useless, it has the necessary respect for the part that human reason has not yet covered. But those in power who advocate conservatism in the contemporary era will kill conservatism in the end-they hope that human reason will withdraw from the part that has been covered. (So conservative intellectuals should also support the revolution~ We are here to help you get to the bottom of it.) The ruling class does not need to question the "reality" behind power as Hegel did. On the contrary, they only need to be like Foucault. As pointed out, use power to choose the desired "reality" and carry it behind your back. In other words, power is the real and only reality. In China today, Marxism is obviously being carried behind those in power, forming a very clever overlapping image. Taking the evaluation of the Korean War as an example, you will see that the public opinion of the "One Emperor" and the "Communist Party" all commented positively on this war, while the public opinion of the "Second Communist Party" is actually mainly negative. Our country's view of war has actually gone through three evaluation criteria: "view of justice", "view of humanity" and "view of pros and cons". Throughout the era, it is formulaic to first judge whether the war is just or not: the US empire not only destroyed the liberation of the proletarian class, but also violated the bourgeoisie's "national self-determination" and "constitutional democracy" (North Korea was more democratic at the time), and bombed As a third-party China, counterattack is undoubtedly just and necessary. In the propaganda, internationalism is emphasized: North Korean soldiers helped China to liberate, the volunteer army regards the North Korean people as fellow countrymen, and how the enemy's prisoners of war are transformed into class brothers. Entering the era of the Second Communist Party, the mainstream has become "all wars are opposed." Everyone began to discuss the price and cost of wars, arguing that "wars are not worth it" and "unjust wars in the Spring and Autumn Period" under the politically correct premise of "life is priceless". In fact, he chose nihilism in the face of cruel reality. However, in the current era of one emperor, the inequality of social reality has made people realize that "life has a price", thus accepting the "pros and cons of war theory": as long as it is beneficial to the private property of the nation, it is a good war. Therefore, "the battle for the founding of the country", "the battle for the restoration of national confidence", "defending the enemy outside the gate", "Korea sticks to recognize his father", "I am relieved of the hooligans of the motherland", "singing our dear motherland, from now on to Imperial powers" and other rhetoric emerge in endlessly. If you want to see through the overlapping images of the republic and the one emperor, you only need to examine similar cases such as the "Sino-Vietnamese War", and you will see that the leftists and conservatives hold diametrically opposite value judgments. Therefore, since the government firmly insists on "two 30-year mutual non-denial", then we have no reason not to hold up the portrait of Chairman Mao in the labor movement, while ensuring the safety of public opinion, and at the same time showing this rupture to everyone. At present, the Fifty Cent Party is slandering that Jasic’s rights protection is funded by foreign forces, but with little success—who would believe that there are supporters of Chairman Mao abroad? Even if there is, it is too poor, right?

(Gamma), to liquidate the flaws shown by the previous streams of the left. The largest left-wing faction in China at present is undoubtedly the Maoists. We have fully criticized the establishment Maoists above, so what about the "Youth Maoists"? Maybe they don't want to make "Mao" so realistic, but instead make Chairman Mao come alive—wrongly striving for a "perfect version" of Mao Zedong's historical image. On the whole, I accepted the viewpoint of the Canadian historian Grover Furr (who was actually a Stalinist), and attributed Mao's mistakes to "kidnapping by the bureaucratic group." Historical materialism tells us that Mao Zedong was a very complex and real person, and also the meeting point of various ideological trends. The distance between "Maoism" and Mao himself is inevitable. From a left-wing perspective, it must be admitted that Mao had the burdens of previous generations of Chinese politicians—nationalism, great power complex, unity complex, etc., which have been criticized by leaders of brother political parties (such as Hoxha and Kim Il Sung) in the same period. Conservative bureaucrats also make mistakes of compromise. In a word: "Perfection" and "truth" cannot have both. If Chairman Mao were to deal with the issue of idols today, he would definitely not be so entangled in pedantry. Another similar faction is the Leninist faction. The current situation is very conducive to the popularization of Leninism, especially the theory of imperialism has shown unprecedented explanatory power. The bigger obstacle lies in the theory of the vanguard. If it simply imitates history, it will inevitably end in a farce. The third influential group is the Trotskyites. The most typical label of the Trotskyites is "completely revolutionary", but unfortunately, this leads to a sentiment similar to "defeatism": because I am the least compromised, so Must fail. Even intentionally or unintentionally pursue failure in practice to prove the revolution. How can it be possible for the enemy to rush up to the monument without killing a few? You see, people entrusted the old deity to pull up 200,000 Red Army casually, how awesome, let's learn this if we want to learn! As for the various schools of Western Marxism, they were mainly active in academia before, and how to better "work in the fields" is the primary problem that needs to be solved.

Chen Yaojin: There is another deceptive "industrial party", which was originally the main founding member of "Young China Review", but later the site split due to nationalism issues. Today, the Industrial Party has established the nationalist media "Observer Network", and they are now flourishing, without us cleaning them up, they have already cut off from us~

Qi Guoyuan: Having said so much, I think the most important thing to overcome is the "sectarian concept". Haha, look at the liberals, no matter what level they are, they all flatter each other. It's good for us, if we have nothing to do, we can label it as a revisionist, what can we do? In the 1930s, the German Social Democratic Party and the German Communist Party were fighting each other. Isn’t the lesson of the Nazis’ reaping the benefits not profound enough?

In addition, the theory is so colorful that the basic science popularization is not done well: the liberals are very careful, you see now whether men, women or children can recite a few sentences "The wind can enter, the rain can enter...", "I don't agree with..., but I swear to death..." and the like. In contrast to the science popularization work of the leftists, until now everyone can't distinguish between "state-owned" and "state-run", "private property" and "personal property". Look at how wasteful we are~

Chen Yaojin: That’s right, even the popularization of the concept of “youth leftist” is thanks to the predecessors of the liberals—Ms. Chen Chun has recently written some articles about leftist youths. There are mixed opinions in the left circle. What do you think? ? ( Left-wing youth of this era )

Qi Guoyuan: Regardless of the content of these two articles, Mr. Chen was able to write beyond the previous cognitive barriers, and tried to explore the freedom of individuals in union (this leg is already in the leftist circle), and he is not afraid of wronging himself. It is "Auchin Harashau" in itself, and should be bowed down. As an enlightened liberal intellectual, if we introduce left-wing youths to the public opinion circles, if we write mirror articles, can we catch up with half the level of others?

Chen Yaojin: That's right, you have to reassure Mr. Chen~ You may see that the wording of many criticisms may be very fierce, but to be honest, this is already commonplace in the left circle. What's more, many criticisms are actually internal competitions in the left circle, not really directed at the text or the author. In other words, if you recognize this, you will be at ease: the criticisms elicited by these two articles trying to promote a certain practice cannot be confined within the framework of academic paradigms.

Qin Shubao: Summarizing critical opinions and filtering out those with poor relevance are actually two benefits:

The first one is that they are not familiar enough with the overall picture of left-wing youth, and have spent too much effort to distinguish and analyze Mao Zuo. Over-emphasizing the trivial disputes among the old Maoists, new Maoists, and Trotskyists, but failing to outline their commonalities at a fundamental level. People outside the left circle couldn't understand what these Zuo Qings relied on to make a living. After reading the full text, they were still puzzled. (So we have this issue of Longmen Array~)

Chen Yaojin: As the host, I would like to explain that in order to show the image and pedigree of contemporary leftist youth in a more detailed manner, as well as the convenience of language narrative, this program intentionally outlines the boundaries between various genres. I counted, and the word "pai" appeared more than 100 times in the program with less than 20,000 characters. Then Teacher Chen Chun’s article was also organized according to factions. This kind of narrative method is actually misleading: it fails to express clearly the inevitable basis for the common existence of various schools, and overemphasizes the accidental differences in the practice of various groups, and fixes this unstable state at the ideological level, which is equivalent to It is to add unnecessary color filters to the subsequent shooting and tracking. However, Mr. Chen is not to blame for this misleading, because he personally came into contact with left-wing youths through such a path of "different factions take turns to appear on the stage", and he happened to meet some players with more prominent identity labels. On the contrary, some leftist youths were not included in the sample set of "leftist youth" by Mr. Chen because they did not highlight their own labels in their interactions. His observation bias is precisely the result of his faithful record of personal experience. In fact, the vast majority of young leftists have no sectarian consciousness. Even the old Maozuo, when we talk about West Malaysia, he still enjoys it with gusto. The "Maoists" seem to have a large number of people, but to a large extent it is just a matter of historical path dependence and struggle habits (the most well-known leftist symbol in the Chinese-speaking world, if we don't use it, should we hand it over to the reactionaries?), it does not mean that they How much you worship Mao, it doesn't mean that Maoists and Trotskyites (or West Malaysia) are incompatible with each other. If it is true, who is not revisionism except Marx himself? Then we can't get through the day...

Qin Shubao: There is a classic ridicule in the left circle, which I would like to share with everyone: "'Maoists' are only found in foreign countries, and they were a product of the 1960s. And there are no Maoists in your country, only Maoist words Marxists, and Maoist nationalists ."

Continuing from the above, the second article, liberals usually have a "simple and kind" temperament and perspective, which invisibly forms a kind of ideological hegemony-even if it is extremely soft and comfortable. Measuring the existing history and the current history with a fixed scale of "nature", "humanity", and "conscience" often leads to specious conclusions. The most important thing is that such an assertion can only stop at an assertion and will not be connected with practice. Because human beings do not rely on these things to live.

Qi Guoyuan: Let me add something. For the "anti-nationalist alliance", we young leftists wish we could stand up our hair in favor of it. But there must be an additional condition: nationalism is face, nationalism is inner, if you want to oppose it, you must oppose it together. The paradox of the past few years is that liberals have hated nationalism so much, yet they have been so tolerant of nationalism (some even extol nationalism as a necessary complement to globalization, which is really wrong and wrong. How wrong? Please Trump Pu told you), let alone the relationship between the two in contemporary times. Some liberals who especially like to use the narrative of "River Elegy" have even moved towards racism, or the ironic "aunt school" (Liu Zhongjing doctrine). Looking back at history, it can be summarized as follows: Any democratic reform whose main goal is to fight for more interests of the nation will reap "inferior democracy".

Chen Yaojin: It seems that we can continue to talk about this "alliance" (or "United Front") issue. What kind of forces are trying to unite the youth leftists? The answer may be labeled as "Youth Liberals", a force derived from reflection on the practice of China's existing liberalism over the past forty years. We have observed that this group of young liberals often has two characteristics. One is the issue of "positive freedom" that Mr. Chen Chun has fully discussed. Conditions for in-depth dialogue. The second is more decentralization and weakening of ideology. Faced with many problems, they will insist on "focusing on the event itself" . Identify", but in "grasp".

Qi Guoyuan: Reality is the best classroom, and reactionaries are the best teachers. The new generations of socialism and liberalism have sprung up and made their debuts respectively (the former is Jasic and the latter is Mitu), and they have surpassed the shackles of the previous generation and moved forward. On the other hand, conservatives have also begun to form their own youth army (the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League has fully intervened in social media, Diba Jinjiang and other forums to mobilize cyber violence), trying to maintain the status quo in a radical way. This is the true face of the times-after more people slide into cynicism, the rest become more and more irresolute.

Anti-nationalism, in the final analysis, is no longer fantasizing about achieving political change through the existing institutional framework and taking the "top line". This is not just an ideological issue, but a practical issue—compared with the older generation of leftists or liberals, the new generation does not have the resources and opportunities to "listen to the heavens" or "be worshiped by the national teacher". In recent years, government agencies, state-owned enterprises and public institutions, and even universities and consulting agencies have increasingly tightened their doors. Those who have tension with the system can no longer wander between the temple and the rivers and lakes like five years ago. A group of intellectuals who are not accepted by the system and have no place to release their energy and talents is forming (the rise of global conservative forces has rapidly shrunk foreign shelters), and a labor force that cannot find shelter in cities and villages It is growing, and the revolutionary situation cannot but be gratifying.

Qin Shubao: We admit that the current Chinese empire is on the rise, and the trend of blowing up seems to exceed that of the youth left or liberals. Against this background, revolutionaries should be more flexible—since we are engaged in a universal revolution, the starting point of the revolution must be eclectic and far-reaching. Any space, any community, any form of social interaction, as long as our people are involved, there must be a chance to achieve some form of political enlightenment. The current high pressure in the public opinion space actually provides an opportunity: it forces us to weaken the rhetorical struggle and focus more on local cultivation—communities, campuses, factories, office areas, even just a dormitory, can be established Starting from a political community, the daily life is to organize everyone to eat, drink, have fun, play chess, calligraphy and painting, provide a real and sensible "human life" for people who may become cynical or conservative, and "earn" people away. Now that NGOs are suppressed, then we will engage in AGO (alternative government organization).

Qi Guoyuan: Those who work in the field of sociology have a motto: "Investigators themselves are the research tools that need to be polished most." This sentence can be transferred to revolutionaries. We currently have two major flaws:

The first is sour and pedantic, the main symptoms are: shallow conversations (starting to argue about Mao and entrustment after a few meetings), too many presuppositions (you must classify someone as a certain faction), vulgar self Acknowledgment (others are not on the same intellectual level as me, Xia Chong doesn't say anything), eager for success (how can he not come to the united front, really stubborn), weak emotional regulation (we really need to be more humorous , fighting with others should be a lot of fun). We must recognize that man is a complex product of his environment, not an indivisible monad. For the vast majority of people, there is no conscious political stance—those who are moved by seeing Sun Yang win the gold medal or the National Day military parade are not necessarily nationalistic; those who are outraged by the banning of Internet anchors and American and Japanese dramas are not necessarily liberal . Which faction can provide people with a continuous and rewarding lifestyle, whichever faction will grow.

The second is the extreme lack of means: I have been disciplined by the one-way feedback of the modern education system for too long, so that my thinking has become almost stereotyped, and I don’t know the means of the world at all. For this Jasic incident, besides rallies, publicity, and solidarity, there are definitely more ways to be included in the struggle thread. For example, the core problem is that companies are not being hurt, but are cunningly hiding behind the government and making a fortune silently. Looking back at the struggle of old state-owned enterprise workers to protect the factory, or the struggle to build a union in the Pearl River Delta from 2008 to 2012, by organizing strikes and exposing other problems in the production field (under bureaucratic capitalism, which company has no problems with its accounts and product quality) Make trouble for capitalists to promote talks. You can even consider making a fuss about the stock in the secondary market (due to the lack of investor confidence due to the fermentation of the incident, Jasic Technology fell by 7% when it opened on August 21, and the comment area of the stock trading app was hotly discussed. At this time, many investors expressed their support. Students, volunteer to help short. If we have prepared early, this problem can be a breakthrough point), and both can reap results. Even if we have to return to campus in the end, the struggle can still continue—they don’t have school-enterprise cooperation? We can make the 2018 autumn campus recruitment of Jasic Group fail. We are not stalking, let alone revenge, but the revolutionary achievements we urgently need to land, even if it is a tiny bit. Because we know very well that for the majority who are waiting and watching, they will help whoever wins.

Chen Yaojin: That's right, you need to learn two "Maki lessons" well. One is the basic principles of Marxism, and the other is Machiavelli's means of struggle. The "virtue politics" of the pre-Machiavelli era has long since passed away, and the present age is the age of multitudes. Today, do people still imagine that the ruling class still has some "virtue" left?

Qin Shubao: Both Gramsci and Althusser admired Machiavelli in the later period, not because people turned bad, but because "simple and kind" people were killed by the reactionaries.

Chen Yaojin: At the end of the program, I am afraid that audience friends still hope to have a deeper understanding of Marxism. Ask the two guests to recommend some introductory books.

Qi Guoyuan: Well, let me recommend two works that can increase fans. One is Marx's "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte". After reading this article, you will most likely suffer from insomnia. The second is Gramsci's "Organic Intellectual Theory", you can read second-hand literature first, and then read "Notes from Prison".

Qin Shubao: I’m still on the same point. Friends with liberal backgrounds can easily resonate with young Marx. This is a series of young Marx's works (from "German and French Yearbook" to "Communist Manifesto") explained by a teacher. There are not many college teachers who give such solid lectures this year. Ximalaya Radio has resources: https://www.ximalaya.com/renwen/3761104/

Chen Yaojin: Okay, this is the end of this program. Thanks to the two guests and audience friends. In addition, if there is an advertiser, remember to introduce it to us~~

【次回の节】Because the tickets for this episode have been skipped many times, the next episode has actually been aired:

[Special Topic] Xiangjiang Commentary——Integrating Discussions on Hong Kong and Taiwan Issues by Left-wing Youth in Mainland China (Continuously Updated)