李怡，1936年生，香港知名時事評論家、作家。1970年曾創辦雜誌《七十年代》，1984年更名《九十年代》，直至1998年停刊。後在《蘋果日報》撰寫專欄，筆耕不輟半世紀。著有文集《放逐》、《思緒》、《對應》等十數本。正在Matters連載首部自傳《失敗者回憶錄》：「我一生所主張所推動的事情，社會總是向相反趨向發展，無論是閱讀，獨立思考或民主自由都如是。這就是我所指的失敗的人生。」

Memoirs of a Loser 97: Panic over Hong Kong's future

Jan 17, 2022 (edited)

some memories.

There have been many papers or monographs on the negotiation process between China and the UK on the future of Hong Kong. I will only talk about some of the things that I remember deeply.

From 1981 to 1984, it was a period of negotiations between China and the UK on the future of Hong Kong. During this period, China continued to meet with Hong Kong visitors through high-level officials, clearly revealing that it would take back Hong Kong in 1997. By September 1982, Mrs. Thatcher visited Beijing to meet Deng Xiaoping, and China's intentions were clearer. At this stage, a large number of new political groups have emerged, including the Hong Kong Observer Society, the Pacific Hill Society, the Meeting Point, and the Hong Kong Prospects Research Society, which I have participated in and have clear goals. Apart from Huidian expressing support for the return of Hong Kong to China under the rule of the Hong Kong people, most political groups are inclined on how to essentially continue the British rule.

The student unions of some colleges and universities, proceeding from the abstract concepts of anti-colonialism and democracy, also advocate that China should implement the Hong Kong people's rule of Hong Kong under its sovereignty. They once wrote to Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang and received a reply from Zhao Ziyang, saying that democratic governance of Hong Kong is a matter of course. As a result, I have not yet entered the WTO, and I do not understand that the so-called "democracy" is really a good term used by authoritarian politics, such as "people's democratic dictatorship". For example, a senior CCP official said that "socialist democracy is the most extensive democracy."

But the vast majority of citizens are still panicking about the CCP's recovery of sovereignty from so many years of news reports, especially the experience of their relatives in the mainland. On September 24, 1983, the US dollar fell to 9.6 against the Hong Kong dollar, Hong Kong stocks fell to the lowest point of the year, and supermarkets were almost sold out. This day is called "Black Saturday". About ten days later, the Financial Secretary, John Bremridge, announced that the Hong Kong dollar was pegged to the US dollar, with a guideline exchange rate of 1 US dollar to 7.8 Hong Kong dollars from October 17. This linked exchange rate has been implemented until now.

During the British rule, Hong Kong and the British did make effective decisions in stabilizing Hong Kong, but the British protection of human rights in Hong Kong after 1997 was even controversial. Despite the almost one-sided opposition of Hong Kong people, they still agreed to hand over millions of Hong Kongers protected by a democratic suzerainty to the communist regime, especially closing the door for 3 million British Hong Kongers to emigrate to the UK. And the responsibility really can not justify.

At that time, the British Foreign Secretary Geoffrey Howe, the British Foreign Secretary Richard Luce, and the Hong Kong Governor Edward Youde (Edward Youde), some people pronounced the surnames of these three people with homophonic pronunciation as: How You Lose Plus HongKong (How You Lose Hong Kong).

The claim of the most politicians is "sovereignty for power", which is likely to be inspired by the UK. In June 1983, the CCP sent Xu Jiatun, a minister at the provincial and ministerial level, to Hong Kong to serve as the president of Xinhua News Agency, and to unite all walks of life for China to take back Hong Kong. He could speak directly to the highest level of the CCP. In his later "Memoirs of Xu Jiatun", he mentioned that he was invited to a banquet by the chairman of HSBC shortly after taking office. The four pro-British members (ie the Executive Council, the Legislative Council, the Urban Council, and the District Council members), Tan Huizhu, attended the meeting. She gave a speech. At most, it seems to be prepared. She said that Hong Kong people do not trust China, and Hong Kong people emigrate and transfer capital. She suggested that the Chinese government adopt the "Hong Kong company" approach, be the "chairman" of Hong Kong, and hire the UK as the "general manager". She said blatantly: "Such an approach is acceptable to the UK."

Another person in Hong Kong proposed to buy an island in the Pacific Ocean, and Hong Kong people moved there in large numbers to rebuild Hong Kong's prosperity. Some people proposed to extend the transition period and transfer sovereignty when China and Hong Kong are closer in development. Prospect Society proposed that Hong Kong should remain in the Commonwealth after the handover, and later proposed to transfer governance in stages.

Apparently none of the proposals were accepted by the CCP. In April 1984, British Foreign Secretary Howard He Wei arrived in Hong Kong to hold a call, officially announcing that after 1997, he would give up the right to govern Hong Kong. That day, a high-ranking official of the Hong Kong government, who has always been gentle and refined, called me and told me the news in a furious manner. In our minds, this means the UK is giving up millions of Hong Kongers.

I have maintained a high degree of attention and reporting throughout the negotiation, negotiation and public response to the issue of Hong Kong's future. There are some facts that I think should be clarified. First, MacLehose knew that the CCP wanted to take back Hong Kong and he did not tell the people of Hong Kong. Of course, it may be true, but from the first day of Sino-British negotiation, China firmly denied the role of Hong Kong people in negotiating the future of Hong Kong. At that time, Cao Guangrong, the information director of Hong Kong, went to Beijing with Youde, the governor of Hong Kong, and even denied Youde's role as a representative of Hong Kong, and only agreed that he was one of the members of the British side; Representative) to sit firmly, China categorically rejects the "three-legged stool". In every subsequent step that requires the broad participation of Hong Kong people, including the vote of the whole people on the joint statement, including the subsequent drafting of the Basic Law, including direct elections in 1988 and other arrangements to expand Hong Kong's democratic elements, the Chinese side strongly opposes it. Therefore, the CCP's opposition to Hong Kong's democracy and Hong Kong people's independence began in 1949 when the government was established. This policy has only made literal concessions when negotiations were deadlocked. In fact, Hong Kong people will never be allowed to have any rights to their rights Any role, up to the current political situation in Hong Kong.

Second, at that time, the vast majority of Hong Kong people only hoped to maintain the status quo, and the anti-communist awareness was clear and widespread. Only a few college students and political groups converged to advocate the implementation of Hong Kong people’s rule of Hong Kong after 1997. Although it has the meaning of “return of democracy,” Until 1997, I had never heard the term "return of democracy", let alone the people of Hong Kong who supported "return of democracy" at that time.

Third, the vast majority of people in Hong Kong reluctantly accepted the Sino-British Joint Declaration under the awareness of anti-Communist. After the joint statement was issued, the Prospect Society felt that the future of Hong Kong was hopeless, and immediately disbanded the Prospect Society, and most of its members moved abroad. There was no group and no one organized a march to protest. As Ni Kuang told me in 2019, if millions of people took to the streets to oppose "reunification" at that time, Britain would not have given up Hong Kong so easily.