"Fight on Our Own and Build Solidarity": A Conversation with Ma Tin Tin Wai of Federation of General Workers in Myanmar

﹝Myanmar﹞Ma Cheria

January 31, 2023

Translated by JT Xiang

Interviewer’s note: When Myanmar’s quasi-civilian government came to power in 2011, Myanmar embarked on a broad process of political and economic liberalization, calling for greater foreign direct investment and international trade. The nature of Myanmar's labor force has also changed from an agricultural and subsistence workforce to a wage labor force in urban manufacturing.

A large proportion of the urban labor force, including a large number of women, is employed in the garment industry, which contributes significantly to the country's national income. Labor market formalization was also undertaken to strengthen legal labor protections, preserve the integrity of investments, and provide the stable working environment needed for uninterrupted production. [1]

A new Labor Organization Act was enacted in 2011. It dramatically changed the nature of industrial relations and the labor market, bringing in new social security systems, mandatory employment contracts, minimum wages, and labor dispute resolution mechanisms. However, these policies failed to adequately protect workers' rights. The state remains committed to protecting the interests of employers because their interests are aligned.

Oppressed and silenced workers in different governments launched a counter-coup campaign in 2021 when the military staged a coup. Even under the current junta, which ruthlessly suppresses strikes, sentences democracy supporters to death, and restricts free speech and labor activity, we can still see spontaneous outbreaks of worker-organized protests in factories.

The Federation of General Workers in Myanmar (FGWM), formerly known as the Federation of Garment Workers, has 20 factory-level unions at the forefront of resistance to the junta and organized against Burmese capital capitalist exploitation of workers. It has been supporting the civil disobedience movement to form unions. For these reasons, their leaders were targeted by the junta and forced into exile.

As we mark two years since Myanmar's 2021 coup, Asian Labor Review staff writer Ma Cheria talks to Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions co-chair Ma Tin Tin Wai . The interview provides the Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions' views on the conditions of worker organizations and the trade union movement in Myanmar after the coup.

Asian Labor Review: What is the role and participation of workers in the democratic movement?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: When the military staged a coup, union organizers realized they should resist the coup and the dictatorship. This was a normal decision as they had been making a conscious effort to free themselves from oppression even before the coup.

After making a collective decision to stand united against the military dictatorship, from 2 to 4 February they held a series of discussions on how to resist the coup. On February 5, more than 12,000 workers from 10 factories organized a strike, wearing red ribbons and identical T-shirts and chanting slogans at workplaces. Later on Feb. 6, more than 4,000 factory workers organized a rally in Yangon, from the Parami Sein Gay Har shopping center to Hledan, a hallmark event during this spring's revolution.

Currently, the Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions is a member of the Labor Alliance, a representative of the National Unity Consultative Committee (NUCC), and a committee member of the Joint Coordinating Committee (JCC) formed by NUCC. In addition, the Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions has been working with 200 other pro-democracy groups in exile or at home to demand comprehensive economic sanctions (CES).

Asian Labor Review: Workers' rights were violated even before the military coup. For example, they do not enjoy minimum wages or the right to strike. How did the coup affect workers differently?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: Since the military seized power, some union leaders and worker organizers have been arrested and some have been arrested. Although labor policies and regulations were in place before the coup, they failed to protect workers' rights. The situation deteriorated after the coup. Workers face exploitation, long working hours and forced labour.

In the post-coup situation, the military took control of the garment industry. There is no doubt that the industry has been enjoying huge profits under non-tariff policies and the Everything But Arms (EBA) agreement.

It's also where army kickbacks come from. However, workers still live in precarious conditions because they are not paid the minimum wage. They are having a hard time finding jobs and they are being exploited by their employers.

Asian Labor Review: According to local news reports, factories are still on strike. How is this possible despite restrictions on labor activity and threats to the junta?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: Military arrests organizers and leaders by raiding workers' houses. In April 2021, the military arrested workers while organizing a strike at the factory. During the strike at the SIOEN factory in August 2021, some worker organizers were arrested.

Sometimes factory owners or managers call the police or the military to suppress workers in the workplace. This kind of crackdown on striking workers is common. On April 22, 2021, the same thing happened to the striking workers at the Rui-Ning factory.

Still, workers are standing up to workplace oppression and demanding their rights.

Asian Labor Review: Are workers supported by unions or federations?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: After the military threatened workers not to contact the Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions, they secretly contacted us.

As a federation, we have been providing advice and encouragement as workers have requested, and sharing organizational strategies and experiences from other factory strikes. We must fight among ourselves and build solidarity to secure our rights.

Asian Labor Review: Local news also reports that employers have held talks with striking workers. Has the employer met the workers' demands?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: In July and December 2021, there were workplace strikes at three factories, and employers called the police and military to negotiate.

If we can show solidarity, for example, if all the workers in a certain factory participate in a workplace strike, we can achieve our demands to a certain extent. We can learn this from the previous workplace strikes I mentioned earlier. So the right to demand our solidarity is key.

Asian Labor Review: Are the police involved? How is it different from before the coup?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: Yes, in the event of a strike at the SIOEN factory, the factory owners called the police and paid for their participation in the negotiations. Factory owners tried to use the power of the army to intimidate workers.

In the aftermath of the coup, there have been confirmed incidents of workplace attacks and physical attacks on striking workers. The worker organizer was arrested during a strike at the SIOEN factory and was injured during a brutal crackdown at the police station and subsequent interrogation.

Asian Labor Review: Local news shows employers targeting and firing workers with 5/8/9 National Registration Cards (NRC) in Sagaing/Magway and Mandalay districts Prone to armed conflict with the local People's Defense Forces and the State Administrative Council (SAC). Have the workers returned to work?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: In Myanmar, most garment factories are owned by Chinese, Korean, Japanese and Thai investors. Factory owners targeted and fired workers of 5/8/9 NRC holders in Sagaing, Magwe and Mandalay districts.

According to factory managers, they followed orders from the military and fired the workers. This is the action taken by the Ministry of Labor assigned by SAC. In August, 200 workers at four factories were laid off and lost their jobs.

Workers are threatened and intimidated. They were forced to leave their jobs voluntarily and therefore received no compensation. Furthermore, it is a challenge for these workers to work outside of their area due to restrictions on their freedom of movement. They are also asked for money at travel checkpoints because of their NRC.

Asian Labor Review: What's happening now in terms of union registration status?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: Just after the military coup, union members at five factories were told their registration cards were ready. However, they refused to receive registration cards because they did not recognize the Ministry of Defense under the junta as a legitimate institution.

Union members have also decided not to cooperate with these government departments or organizations. They will not register or extend their registered status under the SAC.

Factory owners, on the other hand, urged union members to register and said they would not negotiate with unregistered unions. On occasion, officials from the junta's labor department visited workplaces to check registration.

Asian Labor Review: What is the political strategy of trade unions in post-coup Myanmar?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: Right now, we are calling for a CES for the country. In doing so, we are working with other democratic forces, including 200 student unions, workers' unions, teachers' unions, LGBTIQ groups, women's groups, monk groups and more.

We call on the international community to isolate the military regime. Some groups have called for a blood money campaign (freezing all payments made to the SAC by international companies). The goal of CES is to cut the revenue and currency that goes to the military to help the military commit crimes against humanity in our country.

Asian Labor Review: Is Junta trying to tighten control over unions and reform capital-friendly labor laws?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: So far, we have not seen any changes to laws and regulations by SAC. They still haven't changed the minimum wage law, which is due to be reviewed in 2020.

In any case, employers are attempting to take advantage of the current political turmoil and support for a military dictatorship to suppress labor activism and violate labor rights.

Asian Labor Review: How does the trade union movement view armed struggle?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: Apart from non-violent general and flash mob attacks, calls for international support and boycotts of military products if necessary, armed struggle has also played a key role in overthrowing the SAC.

Asian Labor Review: What international pressure, if any, is helping trade unions and the wider democratic movement now?

Myanmar Federation of Trade Unions: While some international communities are trying to put pressure on SAC to support pro-democracy movements, some countries are blindfolded and still regard military coups as internal affairs.

We wish to urge and encourage the international community to join CES and stop funding SAC, which has been committing massacres and crimes against humanity in Myanmar.

Ma Cheria is a contributing writer for the Asian Labor Review. She is a master student in public policy at Chiang Mai University, Myanmar. She is interested in labor issues, with a particular focus on labor policy and labor rights.

Original link: https://labourreview.org/fight-on-our-own/



[1] Campbell, S. (2018), “Labour Formalisation as Selective Hegemony in Reform-era Myanmar”. The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology.