李怡，1936年生，香港知名時事評論家、作家。1970年曾創辦雜誌《七十年代》，1984年更名《九十年代》，直至1998年停刊。後在《蘋果日報》撰寫專欄，筆耕不輟半世紀。著有文集《放逐》、《思緒》、《對應》等十數本。正在Matters連載首部自傳《失敗者回憶錄》：「我一生所主張所推動的事情，社會總是向相反趨向發展，無論是閱讀，獨立思考或民主自由都如是。這就是我所指的失敗的人生。」

Memoirs of a Loser 189: The Fish Ball Revolution and Liang Tianqi

Sep 5, 2022

The Hong Kong independence speech did not attract social attention, and most Hong Kong people felt it was unrealistic. It was promoted by Leung Chun-ying, but it became one of the important trends of thought among young people. Therefore, some people call Leung Chun-ying "the father of Hong Kong independence".

Less than a month after the end of the Umbrella Movement in December 2014, Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying criticized the University of Hong Kong University publication "Academic" at the beginning of his policy address, saying that the publication's topic "Self-determination of the destiny of the Hong Kong nation" had a tendency to advocate "Hong Kong independence" and should Be alert.

After the Occupy Movement, the grievances of the citizens, especially young people, could not be subsided because the Beijing and Hong Kong governments still refused to give in to political reforms. At this time, the SAR government should take some cooling measures to prevent the conflict from intensifying, but Leung Chun-ying didn't think about it. Instead, he singled out "Xueyuan" in many tertiary student publications, exaggerating its "Hong Kong independence" tendency. In addition to adding fuel to the social conflict, this also emphasized to Beijing the "enemy situation" of Hong Kong independence, prompting Beijing to adopt a tough policy, and making the Liaison Office and mainland officials meddling in Hong Kong affairs justifiably and blatantly.

After carefully reading the topic of "Academy", you can clearly know that the article is not advocating Hong Kong independence, but only calling for Hong Kong people to get rid of slavery. As a discussion of the possibility of Hong Kong independence, the article also mentions its unfeasible side. "Xueyuan" originally only circulated in the small circle of students. After being criticized by Liang Zhenying, it was published as a book and sold well in the market. The Hong Kong independence speech did not attract social attention, and most Hong Kong people felt it was unrealistic. It was promoted by Leung Chun-ying, but it became one of the important trends of thought among young people. Therefore, some people call Leung Chun-ying "the father of Hong Kong independence".

In the denunciation of public opinion, Leung Chun-ying said that the chief executive also has freedom of speech. I said at the time that there should be no restrictions on the people's criticism of the government and discussion of public affairs. Those in power, their voice is political action. For example, Mrs. Shun Niu Tau Kok (referring to ordinary people in the market) can comment on the stock market, but government officials, especially financial officials, never have the freedom of speech to talk about the stock market, or encourage citizens to buy properties.

The first batch of Hong Kong independence made officials at all levels and the establishment follow their tongues, so it became a political action. The conflict between China and Hong Kong has become more acute. Most of the young student groups gradually have the ideological tendency of Hong Kong's self-determination or at least not sustainable towards the integration of China and Hong Kong. By the end of 2015, the news broke that five people from the Causeway Bay Bookstore were detained by the CCP, especially the bookstore operator Li Bo was kidnapped by the CCP investigators in Hong Kong (this matter will be discussed in detail later). The local ideology that Hong Kong people want to separate from the mainland has become a more general social consciousness. By early 2016, the "fish ball revolution", in which protesters and riot police clashed violently, finally broke out.

The "Fish Ball Revolution" took place from the night of February 8 to the morning of 9 February 2016, that is, the first to the second day of the Chinese New Year. The background of the incident is: Hong Kong's Food and Environmental Hygiene Department (FEHD) is responsible for cracking down on unlicensed cooked food hawkers, but for many years there has been an unwritten practice that during the Lunar New Year, many restaurants are closed and the food ring is closed. The DH has taken a stance against mobile unlicensed cooked food hawker associations and will not prohibit them. Cooked food hawkers mostly sell Hong Kong's unique curry fish balls.

Unexpectedly, this time, the law was suddenly and strictly enforced. The FEHD made a big move to ban hawkers in Mong Kok, and clashed with the citizens present. Afterwards, the newly established youth organization "Frontline for Local Democracy" summoned online, and a large number of people came to support. On the other hand, the police were also dispatched in large numbers to enforce control. Police used pepper spray and batons to disperse the crowd. Demonstrators attacked the police with wooden boards, bricks and trash cans, and set fire to debris to block the police's advance. The police fired warning shots twice, prompting an escalation of the confrontation. According to police sources, up to 700 demonstrators gathered and 2,000 floor tiles were dug. Journalists, demonstrators and police officers were injured, and dozens of demonstrators were arrested.

Among the protesters arrested was Liang Tianqi, a fifth-year student of the Department of Philosophy at the University of Hong Kong and a spokesman for the local democracy front. He was sentenced to six years in prison for rioting and became an icon for young people and even many adult protesters.

Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying took the initiative to meet reporters on the morning of February 9 about the conflict in Mong Kok, and characterized the incident as a "riot". Leung Chun-ying would leave Hong Kong for holidays during the Lunar New Years in previous years, but this year he stayed in Hong Kong, and it is suspected whether he deliberately caused the conflict. In addition, the conflict only occurred between the police and the demonstrators, and did not disturb or damage the surrounding shops or houses, so it should only be characterized as "police-civilian conflict" or "riot" rather than "riot". In the evening of the same day, someone saw Liang Zhenying appearing in Shenzhen, and it is possible to report the matter to the CCP. Some commentators suspect that the FEHD suddenly enforced the law harshly, and even disguised demonstrators began to attack the police to stir up the protesters' emotions as part of the whole plan. It is not ruled out that it is an incident similar to the Nazi "Reichstag arson" in Germany.

The government and the establishment have spoken in unison in condemning the "riots" of the demonstrators. Localist political groups condemned the police shooting and excessive violence. Some political groups are incomprehensible to the FEHD's uncharacteristically aggressive crackdown on hawkers during the Lunar New Year.

The Democratic Party issued a statement condemning the violence and arson by demonstrators who attacked frontline police officers; it expressed deep anger at the attack and injury of a reporter during an interview. The Civic Party condemned the demonstrators for arson, throwing bricks, attacking police officers and journalists, injuring many people and damaging property. The two largest pan-democratic parties both stand apart from the demonstrators.

Public opinion generally calls for the establishment of an investigation team headed by a judge to investigate the truth and context of the incident. But the government opposed it, the establishment deemed it unnecessary, and the pan-democrats did not support it.

What followed after the Mong Kok riots was a by-election for the Legislative Council due to the resignation of a member. The candidates were originally between the pan-democratic and the establishment candidates, but this time, a young localist Liang Tianqi ran for the election. Some voters who originally supported the pan-democratic faction turned to Liang Tianqi because of the Mong Kok incident, which changed the election of the pro-democracy faction.

Liang Tianqi went from an unknown college student to the political front, showing his outstanding political charm. This started his short and ups and downs political career, and had a profound impact on the subsequent protest movement.