Chan Yin-Kwan
Chan Yin-Kwan

政史學人 | 香港政治 | 文學愛好者 | 寫作拙劣學徒

The craze of crossing the border to the south: A look at Zhou Ting’s exile from the perspective of Chinese nationalism

(edited)
A big wave overturns the nest. Are the eggs still intact?

"I decided not to go back to Hong Kong."

Zhou Ting was wearing a yellow sweatshirt, looking haggard, and said to the camera with a solemn expression.

"Of course I hope to go back if Hong Kong one day become...you know became a free place and democratic place..."

On the other side of the lens is Reuters. An exclusive interview with Zhou Ting. That day was December 5, 2023 (Hong Kong time), two days after she announced that she would abandon bail and would not report back to Hong Kong.

I didn't expect that when I woke up on the morning of December 4, a student leader who had disappeared from the public for two and a half years suddenly wrote a long paragraph on Instagram announcing his exile.

Source: ReNews Facebook

Without any suspense, Zhou Ting's announcement of exile became the biggest news of the day.


From joining Scholarism, to co-founding Demosisto with Joshua Wong and Luo Guancong; from running for the 2018 Legislative Council by-election, to being DQ (disqualified) by the returning officer; from actively participating in the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong, Until he was imprisoned for two counts of "inciting and participating in unauthorized assemblies"... Zhou Ting's ten years have been full of ups and downs, and his fate has been ill-fated. Her ten years also epitomize the fate of a generation of Hong Kong people who pursue democracy. What pushed them from their original comfort behind the scenes to the forefront? One of the behemoths behind this is China’s nationalist craze.

The Rise of China and Hong Kong’s Dilemma

Since the reform and opening up and economic system reform in 1978, China's economy has taken off. Although the official ideology of the CCP is still communism, China has not successfully moved toward democratization and has stagnated under an authoritarian system. However, China’s huge market and populous labor force, supplemented by the CCP’s relatively appropriate market economic policies and a group of skilled technocratic governance within the CCP, still created the “Chinese Miracle” and the economic and national influence on the world. China’s economic power has been growing day by day, especially since China’s accession to the WTO in 2001, which has led to world-renowned economic growth. Under the dual influence of the CCP's propaganda and reality, China's nationalism has also risen. Whether it is official or private, the "powerful country" mentality and external "wolf warrior" have become the most typical portrayals in the past decade. From top to bottom, a sense of superiority that "China has risen" has begun to spread across the country. The words are full of self-confidence, the middle is superior and the west is inferior, and even "the east rises and the west falls."

On October 1, 2019, a grand fireworks show was held in Tiananmen Square in Beijing to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China. Source: Duan Media

But on the other hand, Hong Kong, which implemented one country, two systems after the handover of sovereignty in 1997, has unknowingly become a "frontier" under Chinese rule. Since Hong Kong has been colonized by the British for a long time in modern history and has long been separated from China (Mainland), and China's governance performance after 1997 has been mediocre, it is inevitable that Hong Kong has deepened its differences in the more than two decades since the handover of sovereignty. identity in China. This is naturally intolerable under the frenzy of nationalism. Speaking of this, we have to mention the frontier theory of American geographer, historian and political scientist Owen Lattimore.

Lattimore believes:

"Border areas are places where a country comes into contact with the outside world, and where diverse cultures and ethnic groups blend within the country. The development status, ethnic relations, and interactions with neighboring countries in these areas will all have an impact on the country's internal stability and external relations. Tremendous influence."

According to this theory, the relationship between the country and the frontier is:

"The relationship between the state and border areas is a dynamic and interactive process. National policies will affect the development of border areas, and changes in border areas will in turn affect national policies."[1]

It is generally applicable to a certain extent to use Lattimore's border theory to explain the complex and unstable China-Hong Kong relations. As early as 2013, Professor Pang Lai-kwan of the Chinese University of Hong Kong had a deep understanding and hidden concerns about Hong Kong's positioning in China. She believed that, as the edge of China, Hong Kong has always had a sense of self-danger. Afraid of being completely dominated and assimilated by China, Hong Kong is not willing to act as a "margin" but hopes to become a "center". [2]

China has always been wary of Hong Kong's role because Hong Kong is a "frontier" that is highly connected to the world and has a high degree of freedom. The CCP officials are afraid that Hong Kong will become a base for promoting democratization and that Hong Kong will affect "national security." This naturally creates irreversible tension with Hong Kong's long-cherished wish to become a "center." The hasty implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law in Hong Kong can be said to be the inevitable result of China’s powerful nationalism. Under the wave of nationalism, the Chinese Communist Party officials and Chinese people have completely denied and suppressed Hong Kong's unique self-identity. In order to ensure complete governance of Hong Kong, they have "increased" restrictions on Hong Kong's freedoms and are committed to truly integrating Hong Kong into " China" [3], which is expressed in the official language of the Chinese Communist Party as "complete return."

This is a process of eliminating edges. In Chinese history, rulers often sought to maintain or even strengthen their own power by creating edges and hierarchies. Within the margin is "us", and outside the margin is the "alterity." To use the legal expressions of today's People's Republic of China, it is "within the territory" and "outside the territory." Generally speaking, China's national statistics, such as population, economic growth, and average income, will not include Hong Kong and Macau, which are overseas. The most obvious and familiar statement is: the above data does not include Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan . (It is worth mentioning that Taiwan is only claimed by China, but the People's Republic of China has never ruled Taiwan. Taiwan is currently ruled by the Republic of China, which retreated to Taiwan in 1949 due to the defeat of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in the civil war.) But in recent years, China has made progress. We are pressing forward step by step, hoping to turn the edge of Hong Kong into a "complete part of China". At the same time, by importing a large number of Chinese (mainland) people, "empty the cage and change the birds", in a "step-by-step" manner, in order to achieve political and cultural stability. Then distinguish between "us" and "others."

Accusation, perhaps a microcosm

Let us return our perspective to Zhou Ting. She was forced to choose exile. The biggest factor was the "Hong Kong National Security Law." This excessively stringent law to "maintain national security" leaves her with no place in Hong Kong.

In fact, she is not the first democrat to go into exile. A large number of Hong Kong democrats and local people have basically left Hong Kong in the two years from 2020 to 2021 and set foot on the strange and unknown Western land. She was already "left behind" when she embarked on the road to exile. But what her story and her calm accusation reflect is that Chinese nationalism is rampant in Hong Kong. Chinese nationalism has crossed the border and moved southward, crossing the Lo Wu Bridge and sneaking into every corner of Hong Kong.

After I was released from prison, I still had to abide by the guarantee conditions of the National Security Law. I needed to check in regularly. My passport was also confiscated and I was unable to leave the country. According to the procedures of the National Security Law, every three months, the National Security Bureau will ask me to sign a "Notice of Withholding Travel Documents", informing me that my passport will be detained for three more months, three months and three months, and three months and three months. months. Every time I reported for duty, I was worried that I would be arrested again at any time. Even when I returned home, I always imagined whether the national security would knock on my door one morning, just like last time, trying to break the lock and break in. Come in and take me away again on a certain charge. These imaginations would pop up in my mind every day, and I could do nothing but cry, break down, tremble, or tell my friends about my fears.
Later, as the symptoms became more and more severe, I learned through the doctor’s diagnosis that these things were called anxiety disorder, panic disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, and depression. The mixture of several emotional illnesses put my body and mind in a very unstable state, and I also knew that I had nowhere to escape.

Cold words and shocking experiences, we can't imagine the pressure and pain we have to endure in that kind of life. But her painful experience is likely to be just a microcosm. The physical and psychological torture endured by pro-democracy figures who have been imprisoned for various crimes or have been released from prison may be similar to ordinary protesters. The wave of nationalism crashes onto everyone, leaving them bruised and irreparable.

In 2018, Zhou Ting was on the road in Causeway Bay, Hong Kong. Source: Duan Media

Zhou Ting wrote that the reason why she could leave Hong Kong to study abroad was because:

If I want to study in Canada, there is another condition: "come back to the mainland with me once" (that is, be "accompanied" and "protected" by officers from the National Security Division of the Hong Kong Police Force to mainland China). The National Security Council arranged for them to apply for a return permit together with me, and then go to Shenzhen together for one day. After completing the trip, they would return my passport to me. I only needed to report back to Hong Kong during the university vacation.

However, the arrangement of Zhou Ting’s trip to Shenzhen by a company may make us laugh:

On that day, in addition to some food, drink and fun itineraries, I was also arranged to visit the "Reform and Opening Up Exhibition" to learn about the development of China and the Communist Party, as well as the "brilliant achievements" of past leaders. Later, I was also arranged to visit the Tencent headquarters to learn about "the motherland". "Technological development"... When visiting "key itineraries" such as the Reform and Opening-up Exhibition and Tencent Headquarters, I was also asked to take photos with the exhibition's light box/logo, and the accompanying Shenzhen drivers also kept taking photos of me.

All this arranged by the Secretary, whether it was under Beijing's instructions or innovative law enforcement, exchanging a trip to Shenzhen for freedom of departure, is legally neither in compliance with the Criminal Procedure Ordinance (Criminal Procedure Ordinance) of Hong Kong's local laws, nor even in compliance with Hong Kong's local laws. It is inconsistent with the Hong Kong National Security Law (Hong Kong National Security Law) enforced by China in Hong Kong. [4] From a nationalist perspective, what lies behind is the "mandatory identification" required by the national center from the frontier. If Chow Ting gives in or chooses to remain silent, her helpless behavior will even be used as propaganda by the authorities in the future: Chow Ting will change her mind and turn over a new leaf after receiving "patriotic education", and will eventually love her country and Hong Kong from the bottom of her heart.

Frankly speaking, I have never denied China's economic development, but such a powerful country wants to send those who fight for democracy to prison, restrict the freedom of entry and exit, and requires entering mainland China to visit patriotic exhibitions in exchange for getting their passports back. , this is not a kind of vulnerability.

This is one of the thought-provoking words written by Zhou Ting on Instagram. The author will not comment here. As for whether Zhou Ting's words are just nonsense or serious, I believe readers, especially those who have lived in China, can make up their own minds.

Victory or defeat?

Weeding out "anti-China disruptors", vigorously practicing the principle of "patriots governing Hong Kong", "improving" Legislative Council and District Council elections, and promoting patriotic education... these have become normalized governance in Hong Kong. Obviously, in the "new Hong Kong", Zhou Ting is naturally labeled as a "second-class citizen". The Chinese and Hong Kong authorities will not allow an "anti-China and disruptive Hong Kong leader" like her to participate in politics, let alone challenge the undemocratic Hong Kong politics. China is more authoritarian and tougher behind the control. Exile then became Zhou Ting's only choice in pursuit of freedom.

In communist China, the criterion for being patriotic or not has always been firmly controlled by the party-state. Whether to tighten or let go of nationalism, the final choice lies in the hands of Beijing. Hong Kong tried to fight hard in the face of the tide of nationalism and said no to China, but in the end it inevitably faced a fateful failure. The 2023 District Council Ordinary Election has ended recently. Under the new electoral system, the winners will naturally be all "patriotic people who love the country and Hong Kong." However, there was an intriguing statistic on December 10: the turnout was only 27.54%, a new low since the handover of sovereignty in 1997. Chinese nationalism seems to have achieved a complete victory in Hong Kong, but how long will this aggressive victory last, and is it a real victory that represents public opinion? Is one country, two systems still operating successfully, despite this undercurrent of nationalism? Zhou Ting and a group of Hong Kong people fled into exile, and nearly half a million Hong Kong people left. What are they silently telling us?

Perhaps only when the tide recedes and history turns over can the results be truly described.

References

  1. For details on the frontier theory put forward by Owen Lattimore, see the book "China's Inland Frontier: A Geographer's Observations".

  2. See: Peng Lijun: "Border Town Dialogue: Hong Kong‧China‧Margins‧Border". Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 2013.

  3. "China" here does not refer to the current People's Republic of China in political terms, but refers to "China" in the context of culture and nationalism.

  4. The legal issues involved in Chow Ting's exchange of traveling talents to Shenzhen to get back his travel documents were discussed by Dr. Eric Lai in his "What Agnes Chow's Case Tells Us About the Rule of Law" published in The Diplomat in Hong Kong" is explained in detail in the article. Full text: What Agnes Chow's Case Tells Us About the Rule of Law in Hong Kong – The Diplomat

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新香港人。嘗試在離散時代下,留下一些筆跡。

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