李怡，1936年生，香港知名時事評論家、作家。1970年曾創辦雜誌《七十年代》，1984年更名《九十年代》，直至1998年停刊。後在《蘋果日報》撰寫專欄，筆耕不輟半世紀。著有文集《放逐》、《思緒》、《對應》等十數本。正在Matters連載首部自傳《失敗者回憶錄》：「我一生所主張所推動的事情，社會總是向相反趨向發展，無論是閱讀，獨立思考或民主自由都如是。這就是我所指的失敗的人生。」

Memoirs of a Loser 184: Can Hong Kong Trust This Man?

Aug 17, 2022

After I proposed the "Battle of Pigs and Wolfs" for that election, the community gave Leung Chun-ying the nickname "Wolf Ying". After he was elected as the chief executive with 689 votes, the community generally referred to him by the nickname "689".

Writing an article by Jasper Jasper, the level of attention has broken the record since the memoir was published.

In the comments of netizens, many people agreed with my description of Zeng's historical facts and personal characteristics, and many people thought that I was too sure of his intelligence and did not point out his hypocrisy in pursuit of power. The differences of opinion show that many people do not take into account the changes in the times and the compromises or persistence that individuals make in response to changes. It is precisely because of such different obsessions that a completely different evaluation of a person arises.

At the beginning of writing my memoir, I had already thought that society would react differently to people, events, and things. Because of different situations or deep feelings about a certain event, each person will have a fixed view on a certain person or political group in politics. I admit that this kind of obsession is inevitable, but I remind myself to focus on the facts, to understand the situation at the time, and not to judge the right or wrong of someone or someone’s previous actions based on the results. For example, many pro-democracy activists are now in prison. We sympathize with their experience and condemn the injustice of justice. But that's not all reason to affirm what they've done before. Otherwise, there will never be a historical truth.

Brother Tao Jie once again gave a false reward to Zhuo Wen, and he was ashamed to be worthy of it. He pointed out that "in the era of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the only people who are qualified to be called 'politicians' are Zeng Liang. ... Mr. Zeng's party spirit was firm in the first half of his life. In the next few years, human nature was flickering, and because of the gloominess of the "dark fragrance floating in the moon and dusk", it was severely criticized by the local public." In the end, it was "poor in this life, and found that using heroes as bears and talents as slaves... It is difficult to achieve ambition, and there is suffering."

Why is it that only Tsang Yok-sing and Leung Chun-ying are qualified to be called politicians in the SAR era? Because both of them are the target of the Communist Party's key training. It doesn't matter if you officially join the party or not. Out of political needs, the CCP often keeps people who are extremely "reliable" and who are fully qualified to join the Party, deliberately stay outside the Party, so as not to be accused by the outside world of "Party people ruling Hong Kong" rather than "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong". Therefore, if Tsang Yok-sing has joined the party and Leung Chun-ying claims that he is not a member of the Communist Party, it is very likely that Leung Chun-ying is the most trusted chief executive of the CCP. There have been many people in history who have been regarded as party members but have not officially joined the party. The most typical example is Soong Ching Ling. She has done a lot of work for the CCP that cannot be replaced by others, such as introducing Snow to visit Yan'an. After the establishment of the Communist Party of China, she served as the vice-president of the state as a non-member of the Communist Party of China, in order to reflect the tolerance of the Chinese Communist regime. It was not until before her death that the CCP took the oath for her to join the party before her sick bed, in order to fulfill her wish.

Tsang Yok-sing went from being a student of the University of Hong Kong, who was considered a favorite of the heavens, to being a low-paid teacher in a left-wing school that was not accepted by the mainstream society. Right or wrong, his pursuit of ideals cannot be denied. At that time, the leadership of the CCP in Hong Kong, including Wu Kangmin and Pan Jing'an, participated in the CCP for their own political future rather than personal economic interests. This is my experience in the left camp.

Leung Chun-ying approached the CCP during the Sino-British negotiations in the early 1980s. At that time, the CCP had already begun to move towards crony capitalism. In the words of the writer Han Han, the CCP “teached brutality and struggle in the first few decades, and greed and selfishness in the next few decades.” When Leung Chun-ying joined the CCP, it was the beginning of the CCP's brutality and struggle to realize personal greed and selfishness.

There are different views on how Leung Chun-ying gained the CCP's trust, but I don't know exactly. However, during the Sino-British negotiation, he did not appear in the media, nor did he play a role at the beginning of the drafting of the Basic Law. It was not until 1988 that he suddenly succeeded Mao Junnian, then the vice president of Xinhua News Agency, as the Secretary-General of the Basic Law Advisory Committee. valued by the CCP. After June 4th in 1989, he signed a statement in Wen Wei Po: "Strongly condemn the bloody massacre of the Chinese people by the CCP authorities." Later, many people used his statement to question his transformation. But I think he made such a statement at the time, but he thought that the repressive faction would eventually fail, so he bet on the reformist faction.

After 1997, Tung Chee-hwa became the chief executive. At that time, the executive council, which was the highest decision-making power in Hong Kong, was only convened by Zhong Shiyuan from the Hong Kong British era for a short period of time, and then Leung Chun-ying served as the convener, and continued to the Tsang Yuen era until 2011. Leung Chun-ying resigned after running for chief executive. I believe that Liang Changchang was not chosen by Dong and Zeng as the convener, but was instructed by the CCP. The purpose was to arrange Liang as a pawn to monitor the decision-making of the Hong Kong government, report to the CCP, and use him to implement the CCP’s intentions. Leung Chun-ying was repeatedly asked by the media whether he would choose the chief executive, and he said "not for N years". Until 2011, the CCP and he both believed that the time was ripe to get rid of the business circles and high-ranking officials of the Hong Kong-British era, and the CCP sent people shirtless, so Liang Zhenying went from behind-the-scenes surveillance to the front to take power.

I have only spoken to Leung Chun-ying once. I remember that it was a lunch meeting with my friends at the Hong Kong clubhouse, and I met Leung Chun-ying for dinner alone, so we sat down and talked. He was a member of the Dong regime at the time, but he was quite critical of Dong during the conversation, trying to show his open-minded and liberal position. But in fact we know that Tung's policy of 85,000 housing units came from his idea.

After he decided to run for the election in 2011, the daughter of my old leader came to win me over, and I believe it was also his idea. Before the official candidacy, he proposed to Apple Daily that he would like to visit the operation of the newspaper. "Apple" also received him, but neither the boss nor the president met him.

The biggest feature of Leung Chun-ying's coming to power is that he inherited the CCP's sense of struggle. In the government and various policy committees, the influence of senior officials in the business community and the Hong Kong-British era was eliminated, and pro-Communist people took over the power in an all-round way. Hong Kong has been completely occupied since Leung Chun-ying came to power.

But Leung Chun-ying is not smart. No matter the democrats, the establishment, the business community, or the professional world, they can all see his schemes and easily pierce his lies. From him, we can confirm the words of the German theologian Bonhoeffer (Dietrich Bonhoeffer): "Stupidity is a moral defect."