Analysis of various classes (classes) in contemporary Chinese society

Reprinted from Zhihu to go deep into the grassroots investigation, after reading it, it is definitely a good article worth reading

The following is the text

This article is a class survey of a certain street done before. Chairman Mao said to dissect a sparrow. Then, this survey is to dissect a sparrow. Through this sparrow, you can get a glimpse of the overall situation to a certain extent.

The first part, the economic structure of area A

District A is an industrial street. According to public information, District A covers an area of about 40 square kilometers. The population structure is mainly migrant workers. The local registered population is small and often landowners. According to public information, the population of District A is less than 400,000, the employees of District A are about 350,000, the registered population is less than 10,000, and about half of the registered population are aborigines.

According to the mode of production, the economy of Area A is divided into capitalist production and individual production dependent on capitalism; capitalist production is further divided into two major parts (divided by equity ownership): community joint-stock cooperative companies and other industrial and commercial enterprises.

1. Community joint-stock cooperative company

The community joint-stock cooperative company is a company established by villagers with land investment and shares. There are more than ten community joint-stock cooperative companies in District A.

The community joint-stock company controls a large amount of land in District A. By building an industrial park and leasing it, it collects more than hundreds of millions of yuan in rent every year, and the rental income accounts for more than 95% of the community joint-stock company's income. In addition, the community joint-stock company also operates property management and security companies, and also makes profits through the establishment of Internet cafes and other entertainment institutions through its subsidiaries, and this part of the income accounts for less than 5%. The community joint-stock company distributes dividends to the villagers every year. It is said that in recent years, the per capita dividends have ranged from 30,000 to 50,000.

The key positions in the community and the key positions in the joint-stock company are generally held by local tycoons in turn. For example, there are three surnames in community A. A person with a surname serves as a member of the community party committee, and his brother is a supervisor of a joint-stock company. Another example is that the Party Secretary of Community B and the chairman of the joint-stock company are relatives.

The community joint-stock cooperative company is the economic foundation for the local aristocrats to rule the local area.

2. Other industrial and commercial enterprises

According to public information, in addition to joint-stock companies, there are about 4,200 enterprises of various types in District A. From the structural point of view, the industries in District A are typically characterized by the secondary industry as the mainstay and the tertiary industry as the supplement.

The industries in District A are mainly electronics and equipment manufacturing, and the proportion of employees in low-end manufacturing exceeds 70% of factory workers. Most of the businesses in District A are low-end service industries, such as catering, accommodation, wholesale and retail, etc. There are several large-scale consumer complexes and 2-3 star-rated hotels in District A.

According to the government work report, the ratio of industrial output value above designated size to the revenue of service industry above designated size in District A is roughly 100:1 (if small and micro enterprises and a large number of small businesses scattered among residential buildings and rental buildings are included, the industrial output value is equal to The ratio of commercial revenue is roughly 9:1). The ratio of industrial output above designated size to the rental income of community joint-stock companies is roughly 200:1. If the net profit accounts for 5% of the industrial output value, the ratio of the net profit of industrial enterprises above designated size to the rental income of community joint-stock companies is roughly 12:1.

It can be seen that industrial enterprises are the economic pillars of District A.

3. Overview of Industrial Enterprises

There are nearly 4,200 enterprises in District A, mainly in the electronics industry, accounting for roughly half, followed by equipment manufacturing, accounting for about 20%. There are only more than 200 enterprises with more than 100 employees in District A, and the remaining 4,000 enterprises have less than 100 employees (scattered in various industrial parks). Large and medium-sized enterprises (more than 300 employees) in District A account for less than 2%, but employ nearly 60%, and the total output value accounts for about 70%.

Enterprises in Zone A can be divided into large factories and small black factories. Among them, large factories can be divided into four sub-categories according to treatment, legality, and strict management.

(1) Class I factory and Class II factory

Most of the first- and second-class factories are subsidiaries of international group companies, mainly based on industrial monopoly capital such as Europe, America and Japan. The products produced by the first- and second-class factories are high-end and have a certain monopoly, with high profit margins. The two types of factory employees together account for about 20% (the proportion of all factory workers).

The first and second-class factories are in line with the local industry orientation, and they also cooperate with the local work. Generally, there is a special person in charge of the government connection. They often participate in chambers of commerce/industry associations, and are vice-chairman units, governing units, etc. They are generally large local taxpayers, and they are also valued by local governments. Not only can they enjoy various government subsidies, but local governments will also take the initiative to solve various problems such as factories for them. In order to enhance the political ownership of capitalists and their agents, the local government pays special attention to party building within the chamber of commerce.

On the one hand, these industrial monopoly capitals have sufficient profits to increase the wages and benefits of employees; on the other hand, because their main customers are large international companies, these large international companies are mostly subject to certain international standards (such as SA8000, RBA, OHSAS) , and these international standards are often arranged with labor contracts, so the operation of the first and second categories of factories is relatively standardized, and in addition to wages, there will be benefits such as meal allowances, housing subsidies, and year-end bonuses.

The main difference between the first and second types of factories is the wages of ordinary workers. The basic wages (plus benefits) of general workers in the first-class factories are relatively high and increase with the length of service. In terms of ten-year-old employees, in general, the average worker in the first-class factory will be paid around 4,000-6,000 yuan for 5 days and 8 hours, and they can make a living without a lot of overtime; while the average worker in the second class factory will be paid less than 5 days and 8 hours. 3,000 yuan (ordinary wages in second-class factories are generally several hundred yuan higher than the local minimum wage), and must rely on a lot of overtime to make ends meet. The profits of the first- and second-class factories are relatively lucrative, which can support the higher wages of ordinary workers. The difference is often that the general workers of a type of factory have had collective actions or other reasons that caused wages to rise. Therefore, with changes in objective factors such as the balance of labor and capital, the first- and second-class factories often exchange positions, a first-class factory may drop into a second-class factory (prices increase but wages do not rise), and a second-class factory may be upgraded to a first-class factory ( Such as the substantial increase in base wages after collective action).

(2) Class III factories

The three types of factories are mainly domestic, Hong Kong and Taiwan-funded, and the capital scale is also relatively large, but they are in a relatively competitive industry, with low technical content, no monopoly advantage, and relatively low profit margins. The three types of factories are the main body of large factories, and the proportion of employed workers is roughly 40% (the proportion of all factory workers).

Most of the three types of factories are foundry factories, which do not have their own flagship brands, and are typical labor-intensive enterprises. The products of the three types of factories are mainly components and low-end final consumer goods. The typical three types of factory products are transformers, optical fibers, learning machines, household appliances, headphones, mobile phone accessories and so on. These products are characterized by low technical content, and generally small companies can also produce them after purchasing flow and components. The competition among the three types of factories is scale, or the number of employed workers. Whether they can operate one or three, and whether they can employ ten or thirty people are the keys to their business. They mainly rely on the formation of scale effect, crowding out other competitors (mostly small black factories).

The bosses of the three types of factories usually have a certain relationship with the local area. The management is familiar with the loopholes in the labor law, and can find out some unspoken rules at the local level (especially the labor department) in the implementation level, which violates various labor laws and regulations. Oppression of workers in various ways. The regional chambers of commerce, Taiwan Chamber of Commerce and other institutions where they are located will also invite legal experts such as arbitrators to give corporate personnel training on how to avoid legal risks.

The basic wages of ordinary workers in Class III factories are low (usually the local minimum wage), and ordinary workers need to work a lot of overtime to make a living. There are many irregularities in the management and operation of such factories. For example, social security funds are generally paid only on the basis of basic wages rather than actual wages, and rest and vacations and daily management are often illegal (general workers cannot enjoy maternity leave and sick leave in accordance with the law).

(3) Four types of factories and small black factories

Almost all enterprises below 300 are small black factories, mainly electronic factories, mainly producing electronic components, such as circuit boards, Pcb boards, remote controls, mobile phone casings, electronic cigarettes, and so on.

Small black factories have small capital scale and tight cash flow, and earn meager profits by endlessly squeezing labor.

A large number of small black factories are scattered in various industrial parks in District A. The bosses of the small black factories may be able to establish personal contacts with government officials, but the small black factories themselves are not in line with the government’s industry orientation. They are mostly classified as scattered and polluting micro-enterprises in District A, and they are the objects to be eliminated year by year.

The management of small black factories is extremely irregular, and there are many illegal acts in the payment of social security provident funds, and there are a lot of deductions from wages. The basic salary of small black factories is generally the minimum wage. Taking coastal areas as an example, the basic salary is between 1,500 and 2,200 yuan. Workers cannot reproduce their labor force at minimum wage, so they are forced to work overtime voluntarily. The overtime hours of small black factories are generally 100-110 hours a month (3 hours of overtime from Monday to Friday and 11 hours of overtime on weekends), and some companies will have more.

The four types of factories are small black factories with larger capital scale, and their characteristics are the same as those of small black factories.

The second part, business owners and social managers class

Business owners include large and small businesses, and social managers mainly refer to team members.

1. The upper class of District A

The upper class in District A consists of three parts: (1) The core group of social managers represented by the street leadership team (the leadership team plus the real power figures in the street). They basically do not directly control the means of production locally (but do not rule out their family controlling the means of production in other places). (2) Local tyrants represented by the chairman of the village joint-stock company and the secretary of the community party committee. They hold a large amount of local land, and the community joint-stock company is their economic foundation. (3) Private industrial monopoly capital and its agents represented by shareholders and general managers of large factories (mainly the first, second and third categories of factories). They monopolize the major local industrial enterprises and are the core pillar of the local economy.

Between a core group of social managers and industrial monopoly capital. On the one hand, the industrial composition of industrial monopoly capital is often in line with the government's industrial orientation, and some large capitals will arrange their capital distribution according to the government's industrial orientation. Industrial monopoly capital drives the local economy, improves the performance of officials, and maintains the development of capitalist society by solving employment and paying taxes. On the other hand, the core group of social managers will also actively implement higher-level industrial policies to serve large capital. For example, they will help industrial monopoly capital apply for subsidies. To a certain extent, industrial monopoly capital can influence the policies of the local government, and the decision-making of the local government will also consider their interests. For example, some industrial monopoly capital wants to expand their factories, but the local land is in short supply. The government will clean up scattered and polluting micro-enterprises and help large capital make land. In order to help a factory (a third-category factory) to realize the factory building, the government of District A requested an industrial park not to renew the contract with some small enterprises whose leases have expired, so as to free up the factory building for the expansion of the factory.

Generally speaking, industrial monopoly capital will also cooperate with the government to complete various indicators, such as cooperating with the election of outstanding employees to fight against the epidemic; another example is this year's poverty alleviation. In order to ensure all poverty alleviation, each street has a quota for targeted poverty alleviation. In order to complete the task in District A , mobilize industrial monopoly capital to set up a poverty alleviation fund, and assist targeted poverty alleviation targets with a certain amount of money every month in order to complete the target (reach the poverty alleviation standard for 6 consecutive months).

All this reflects the relationship between the government of District A and the industrial monopoly capital of District A.

Between the core group of social managers and land capital and its agents (ie, local tyrants). Land capital and its agents are typical parasites, and their parasitic objects are mainly factory owners and workers. Community stock cooperatives are their main economic force. They hold a lot of land through joint-stock cooperative companies, and they mainly make a living by collecting rent, and they do not even have the so-called enterprising spirit of the bourgeoisie. The biggest difficulty encountered in the implementation of major projects in District A is the problem of land use. The villagers have to pay high prices for compensation, or increase the compensation area for illegal construction. Many projects have not been completed for many years. Afraid that the tail will be too big, District A gradually adopts a policy of restricting these land capital. In recent years, the interests of land capital must give way to the interests of the system. For example, the construction of a regional commercial center in District A requires land acquisition, and land capital can only obey.

Between industrial monopoly capitalists and landowners. There is a good cooperative relationship between the two, and the landowner will charge a high rent, but the industrial monopoly capital can fully bear it. Landowners never harass big capital. For example, a second-class factory rented a factory building that belonged to the former village chief and had a good relationship with each other.

2. The lower stratum of the exploitative class in District A

The lower layer of the exploiting class is mainly composed of two parts, one is the small capital (and some intermediaries) in the industrial and commercial capital, these small capital are mainly foreigners (the local people generally do not open factories but collect rent); the other is the local ordinary villagers There is a certain amount of land.

These two groups of people are exploiting classes, but they cannot influence local policies and are often powerless to local decision-making.

(1) Small industrial and commercial capitalists

Due to historical reasons, there are a large number of small and micro enterprises in District A. In terms of industrial structure, low-end processing enterprises account for the majority, with small capital and meager profits. According to the government report, the future positioning of District A is a high-end manufacturing and regional commercial center, which conflicts with the current situation of District A. In terms of industry, on the one hand, key enterprises need useful land, but street land resources are extremely limited. On the other hand, there are a large number of scattered and polluting micro-enterprises in District A. These enterprises have underground production value and occupy a large amount of industrial land. From the perspective of the tertiary industry, a large number of people in District A are migrant workers, which cannot support the positioning of the regional commercial center. Therefore, in the long run, District A will inevitably clean up small and micro enterprises and re-plan the existing land. In fact, in recent years, the government has been removing scattered and polluting micro-enterprises, freeing up factories for the introduction of high-end enterprises.

Therefore, in a certain sense, the small industrial and commercial capitalists are like illegitimate children. The vast majority of small businesses do not conform to local industrial policies, have many problems, and have limited ability to drive the economy. Local governments do not welcome them. During the epidemic, the government will bail out big companies, but little help to small businesses. The management of small enterprises is not standardized, and the security risks are even greater. The staff of law enforcement departments such as safety supervision and labor will often "take care" of small enterprises, and small business owners are also respectful in front of these people.

Some small industrial and commercial capitalists (mostly in engineering) will find ways to establish a good relationship with officials at the street level. As a result, a group of specialized intermediaries emerged. These intermediaries are usually local villagers or community workers. They help small capitalists and street leaders to match up and reap the benefits.

Not only that, but small industrial and commercial capital is also submissive to landowners. The land capital squeezes the small bosses very much. The small bosses owe the rent, so they directly cut off the water and electricity, and the small bosses basically depend on them. District A is going to transform into a high-end manufacturing industry and a regional commercial center. The rent of the factory buildings has been rising, resulting in the continuous squeeze on the profits of many small factories and eventually forced to move out. Some time ago, a small boss pulled people to jump off the building for a show, and a small boss blocked the entrance of the industrial park. The reason was that the rent had more than doubled.

Even small capitals can be directed by the hired hands of the landowner. For example, a government institution without law enforcement power wants the owner of a small factory to cooperate with the investigation, which is very particular. What will the newcomer do? Newcomers will directly find the small boss, clarify their intentions, and ask the small boss for help. However, small bosses are often ignorant. But the old oil is different. Laoyouzi will contact the industrial park management office and ask the property (employee of the landowner) to directly give orders to the small boss, and the small factory owner will usually cooperate with the investigation.

Small capitals themselves are small in scale, and their profits are meager, and they are exploited by land capital. In order to protect the profits of capital, they exploit workers not only legally, but also through various illegal means. Therefore, most of the small capitals are small black factories, and they exploit the workers extremely fiercely.

The managers of small and medium-sized labor service agencies are also the lower class of the exploiting class. They transport workers to factories and exploit wages from them. They are the products of the capital system's desire for "flexible employment" after the economic downturn. They are the servants of capital and the vampires of labor. This group of people make a living by directly reselling labor, more or less involved in the underworld, the staff members have very heavy social habits, and most of them are reactionary.

(2) Ordinary local villagers

Ordinary villagers with a certain amount of land constitute another part of the lower class of the exploiting class.

They generally have three main sources of income:

(1) Dividends are distributed through the joint-stock company. The annual ground rent income of the community joint-stock cooperative company exceeds hundreds of millions, and the number of people who need to pay dividends does not exceed 5,000. In theory, the average annual dividend per capita is about 100,000. It is understood that in reality, the average per capita dividend is 30,000-50,000 yuan.

(2) Rental income. Villagers build private houses (usually several floors) on their own homesteads, and rent the self-built private houses to migrant workers. Taking a 7*4 peasant building (7 floors, 4 households on each floor), assuming that the rent per household is 700-800 yuan, the monthly rental income is roughly about 20,000 yuan.

(3) Salary income. Villagers generally do not go to work, but some villagers will cooperate with small factories and become local factory managers. They will help small capitals to run the village committee and manage the relationship in the village. Small capitals will pay them a monthly fee for this. Twenty thousand dollars.

These villagers live a parasitic life on land rent. Some villagers also act as brokers of capital, sharing the residual value extracted by small capital. Undoubtedly, they are also the exploiting class. But these people are often at a disadvantage in the entire exploiting class, they cannot influence government decision-making, and they do not enjoy any political power.

With the relocation of industries, fewer and fewer people are renting, and rental income has dropped from time to time. Some villagers have begun to complain that life is getting tighter every day.

The third part, the petty bourgeoisie The local petty bourgeoisie can be roughly divided into two categories, one is the traditional petty bourgeoisie, mainly those who do some small businesses, they master the means of production, and mainly obtain income through their own labor; second The first category is the emerging petty bourgeoisie, mainly the middle and upper management or senior engineers of large factories. They do not directly control the means of production, but they can master production to a certain extent and organize production in production labor, so they can get a lot of income.

1. Traditional petty bourgeoisie

The traditional petty bourgeoisie is mainly composed of small shop owners and self-employed people who run transportation.

(1) Small shop owner

Small shop owners are divided into two categories, one has a facade or a storefront, and the other has no facade or a storefront.

The first category includes small restaurant owners, milk tea shop owners, barber shop owners, franchised commissary owners, and vendors selling from vegetable market stalls.

They work very long hours. Take a Chongqing noodle restaurant as an example. The husband and wife usually get up at 6:30 in the morning to prepare the ingredients and work until 12:00 in the evening. Play or do homework. When overwhelmed, children will help.

They have the dream of getting rich, but they are often exploited by land capital. It's hard to make the flow this year, but the rent also rises, and there is not much more money at the end of the year. The aforementioned Chongqing noodle shop owner complained, "The most annoying person is the landlord, who raises our rent every year. In 2015, the rent was only 3,400 yuan/month, and in 2019, the rent rose to 5,500 yuan/month. This year, the landlord also wants to increase our rent. How can we bear it? We asked him for a theory together, and he saw that we had a lot of people, so it didn't go up in the end." They said that they finally made a few money and worked for the landlord.

Their income is a bit higher than that of factory workers. The manager of a franchise store earns 1.2w per month. He said, "I used to set up the store by myself, and it's about the same amount in a month." But their income is not stable. , many people's business is getting worse and worse. The proprietress of the Chongqing noodle restaurant said, "Business was the best in 2017, but it won't work from 2018. In 2019, the price of pork will increase, and there will be fewer workers, making business more and more difficult to do."

Their competition is very fierce. There are six milk tea shops on a street less than 100 meters away, and the owners often change.

Their status is unstable, and the stores they open are often sub-leased and closed down (more than three years are considered old stores). They may still be small bosses this year, and next year they will go to work in factories and become proletarians.

The second category includes those who push dining carts to sell meals, those who set up street stalls at night, and so on. They are a necessary complement to a market economy under consumption downgrades. Take the small boss who sells food as an example. This type of food truck is found in the worker's community and at the gate of the factory, and is very popular with factory workers. There is a wide variety of meals, all kinds of fried rice, cold noodles, sausages, skewers, everything. Due to the extensive use of low-quality oil and condiments, the food tastes excellent and is widely praised by workers. They do not have the pressure of rent (some need to pay a small management fee), but the management of urban management is more strict. A co-worker recalled, "Once I was selling Liangpi in front of the dining car, there was a loud roar from the side, 'Here comes the city management', the boss pushed the car and ran. The chengguan left, came back with the cart, and handed me a bowl of Liangpi, 'Little girl, I'm sorry, please understand.'"

Their living environment is worse than that of the first type of small bosses, their income is lower than that of the first type of small bosses, and the boundaries between them and the proletariat are more blurred, and they may fall into the proletariat anytime and anywhere.

(2) Transporting self-employed individuals

Transportation self-employed mainly refers to Didi drivers (private cars) and motorcycle drivers (full-time motorcyclists).

Full-time running Didi, running for about 12 hours a day. A Didi driver leaves the car at 7:00 in the morning, but is often not willing to collect the car until 7:00 or 8:00 in the evening. A master said, "I get up at 6 in the morning, get out of the car at 6:30, usually pick up the car at 8 in the evening, and rest for an hour in the afternoon. After eating and resting, I have to run for 11-12 hours a day." In the city, you can run more than 40 yuan per hour, and you can run 400 to 500 yuan in 11 hours a day, and you can run about 12,000 to 15,000 yuan a month. This is gross revenue only, minus costs. A master said, "The car has no cost. My car is listed at 150,000 yuan, and it must be scrapped in 8 years. Even if it can run for eight years, the cost per month is more than 1,500 yuan. In addition, the daily electricity bill (40-50 per day) and wear and tear are included. , insurance (10,000 a year), fines, and the monthly cost is about 3,000 yuan.” Since Didi drivers are drawn by the platform, they are also exploited. From this perspective, Didi drivers can also be classified as The proletariat, similar to the tenant farmer with his own tools.

For a full-time motorcycle driver, if he runs 12 hours a day, he can get about 250-300 yuan (a worker who runs part-time after get off work at night can run from 6:00 to 12:00, almost 100-150 yuan per day). If you run around the clock, you can get 7 or 8k a month. Those who run motorcycles are most afraid of the traffic police. Once they are caught, they will be impounded. A motorcycle master said, "Usually if you are arrested once a few months, the 2,000 yuan (car money) will be gone." Suppose a motorcycle master is arrested three times a year, then it will be 500 yuan per month. the cost of. The master of Yimo said, "I can see those people from a distance, but sometimes they wear plain clothes! Our life is already very hard, and some people even use the bottom to make money!" In addition, sometimes the weather If it is bad, it is impossible to get out of the car, or the income of the car will drop greatly. If all these are counted, the income of Mo's master is roughly 6-7k/month.

Self-employed individuals who run transport have two characteristics in common. First, almost all year round. Master Didi has cost pressures, and he runs a sports car almost every day, even during the Spring Festival. Mo's master is basically the same. Second, irregular diet leads to gastrointestinal diseases. They cannot eat on time all the year round, which greatly increases the probability of them suffering from gastrointestinal diseases.

The status of the petty bourgeoisie who runs the transportation is not stable, and the master of the motorcycle is relatively worse. Many masters of Momo are factory workers. They can't find a factory when they are too old, or they don't want to work in the factory every day, so they buy a Moo to solicit customers. Some motorcycle masters, who are still running motorcycles today, will return to work in the factory tomorrow. There are also many workers who run part-time motorcycles after get off work in order to subsidize their families.

2. Emerging petty bourgeoisie

In District A, the department managers, senior engineers, some senior clerks, and government civil servants (not leaders) of large factories belong to the emerging petty bourgeoisie. Among them, the first three categories are the main body of the emerging petty bourgeoisie, with roughly a thousand people (estimated by 30 large factories).

Taking a certain type of factory as an example, let us roughly analyze the basic situation of the emerging petty bourgeoisie such as department managers.

The manager of this type of factory is the head of the department. The manager is set up under the director, and the director is set up under the supervisor.

Managers have great power, not only have the final decision on all affairs of the department, but also control the personnel rights of the department. The promotion of team leader to supervisor and the promotion of supervisor to director are all nominated by managers. Anything nominated by the manager will generally be approved by the above. From the perspective of the relationship with the means of production, although managers do not have the ownership of the means of production in name, but the means of production can be handled and configured by them, so they actually have the means of making private profits through these means of production (compared to the company's "" The power to collude with suppliers to get rebates, send orders to companies under their own names, scrap company machinery and equipment in advance, etc. to obtain "invisible income" other than wages are all achieved through this power. From the perspective of economic income, they can obtain considerable benefits, with annual income ranging from hundreds of thousands to millions. From the point of view of daily rights and interests maintenance, they generally clarify the position of the employer. Therefore, in this sense, we can classify them as the upper stratum of the petty bourgeoisie, who were extremely conservative and reactionary during the peaceful development of capitalism.

The director's salary is about 200,000 yuan a year, and he has certain personnel rights. The promotion of general workers to team leader or organization supervisor is generally approved by the manager nominated by the director. In fact, all managers nominated by the director will approve. From the perspective of the relationship with the means of production, the director does not directly control the means of production, but the director has the actual power to organize production. Managers are not responsible for directly organizing production, but are only responsible for docking business and coordinating the relationship with the headquarters. Production is basically the actual responsibility of the director. Where to buy raw materials and how to arrange production are actually decided by the director. This gives the director a lot of room to use his power for personal gain. A director was arrested two years ago for taking kickbacks from suppliers. The case involved tens of millions of dollars and involved employees in various departments such as quality and procurement. In the day-to-day struggle, the director takes basically the same position as the manager. This group of people was also conservative and reactionary during the period of peaceful development of capitalism, but their status was not as stable as that of managers, and their incomes were obviously lower, so they could be classified into the middle class of the petty bourgeoisie.

Below the director is the supervisor, who assists the director in making specific arrangements for production. From the point of view of the relationship with the means of production, the supervisor does not have the means of production in name, but the supervisor can arrange production specifically, and has the right to distribute income to a certain extent, which is mainly reflected in the salary increase and the rating of monthly performance. Take the salary increase as an example. Although the salary increases every year, if the supervisor does not evaluate someone highly and the salary increase rating is relatively low, the annual salary increase is one or two hundred less than others, and it will accumulate. is quite a big difference. For example, there is a team leader in the M department who has always been admired by his supervisor. Basically, every promotion is arranged as quickly as possible, and every salary increase is paid according to the highest standard. At present, the allowance has reached more than 4,500. From the perspective of economic income, the salary of supervisors is significantly higher than that of ordinary workers, but it is also significantly lower than that of directors, generally around 120,000 a year. From the point of view of daily maintenance of rights and interests, they are often sloppy in rights protection. So they can be classified as petty bourgeoisie, they are the lower part of the petty bourgeoisie. They are generally conservative during the peaceful development of capitalism. But their status is less stable than that of managers, so they are more likely to fall down during periods of capitalist turmoil.

The engineers of the factory are divided into engineers and senior engineers. Engineers are typical intellectual proletarians (discussed later), while senior engineers have a certain right to speak in the purchase of raw materials (such as chemicals, consumable hardware) and testing equipment. It is also significantly higher, and the status in the factory is similar to that of the supervisor, which can be classified as petty bourgeoisie.

3. Basic analysis

Chairman Mao once roughly divided the petty bourgeoisie into three types: "The first part is those who have surplus money and rice... This kind of people has a very strong concept of getting rich... This group is a minority among the petty bourgeoisie and is the right wing of the petty bourgeoisie. The second part is largely self-sufficient economically... They feel that the present world is not what it used to be. They feel that if they use only the same amount of labor as before, they will not be able to support themselves. They must increase labor time, Get up early every day, go to bed late, pay more attention to your career, and then you can maintain your life. The third part is the decline in life. This part of the people, probably originally from the so-called wealthy family, gradually became only able to keep, and gradually became a decline in life. They Every year end of the year, I am surprised and say: 'Cough, what a loss!'... This kind of person feels great mental pain, because they have an opposite comparison between the past and the present... It is a quantity that is not The small masses are the left wing of the petty bourgeoisie.”

This division applies today as well.

Most of the traditional petty bourgeoisie have dreams of getting rich, but under the exploitation of land capital, under the strict management of the government, and the current background of the gradual reduction of workers, their overall situation is getting worse. A small number of them can have "surplus money and rice", and each year is getting better and better, but many people "feel that the current world is not the world of the past. They feel that if they only use the same labor as before, they will It will be impossible to maintain a living." Master Didi complained, "In the past, there were rewards on the platform, but now, there is no reward for monopoly. The unit price has also been lowered. The previous 30-kilometer order was 100 yuan less, and now it is the most. It's only 60-70 yuan. In the past two years, the money has become less and less. Last year, I was able to run six or seven hundred a day, and this year it will be four or five hundred a day." Many small shops have been listed for sale within half a year of opening, "Hey, the rent is too expensive. , business is difficult."

As economic contradictions become increasingly acute, more and more petty bourgeoisie become increasingly lonely. They are petty bourgeoisie today and proletariat tomorrow. The lower part of the petty bourgeoisie and the proletariat are very blurred and often flow into each other. Workers infected with the habits of the petty bourgeoisie (or workers who have been reduced from the petty bourgeoisie to the proletariat) are often shaken in their consciousness. Even when they are working in factories, they always want to make a fortune.

The emerging petty bourgeoisie are more stable. Most of them are middle- and upper-level managers of monopoly industrial capital. When monopoly capital grows rapidly, they will be rewarded with two bites of food. However, in recent years the entire economy has declined, the development of monopoly capital has been significantly hindered, and their lives have also been affected. After the epidemic this year, the year-end bonus of a certain type of factory was greatly reduced, which was less than half of last year. Some lower-class petty bourgeoisie of the factory went to Didi to subsidize their household after get off work.

Part Four. The Proletarians

The proletariat in District A is divided into the proletariat employed in factories and the proletariat employed in commercial services, among which the proletariat employed in factories accounts for the vast majority. Below we will focus on the situation of the proletariat employed in factories.

The basic situation of the proletarians

General workers, grass-roots management (such as line leaders), skilled workers, factory clerks (clerks/documents/project personnel), technicians, and engineers are the main body of the factory proletarians. Among them, general workers, grass-roots management (such as line leaders), and skilled workers belong to the physical proletariat, while factory clerks (clerical/documentary/project personnel), technicians, and engineers all belong to the intellectual proletariat.

On the whole, about 40% of the proletarians were employed in small black factories or fourth-class factories, about 40% were employed in third-class factories, and the remaining 20% were employed in first- and second-class factories.

Little black factories almost never sign contracts (or take them back after signing contracts), and they don’t buy social security. It is difficult for the physically proletarian to enjoy normal vacations. The management of the factory is strict, and workers’ wages are deducted through various illegal means (such as fines, forced self-dismissal, illegal abuse of comprehensive working hours, etc.). The four types of factories are similar to the small black factories.

Three types of factories will sign contracts and buy social insurance (but not in compliance with legal standards), but basically do not pay provident funds. It is difficult for the physically proletarian to enjoy normal vacations. The management in the factory is strict, and it is more common for grass-roots management to swear.

The first and second categories of factories will sign contracts and pay social security and provident funds basically in accordance with the law. Physically proletarians are also able to enjoy normal leave. Due to the various standards of international customers, the management of the factory is relatively user-friendly, and there are various communication channels in the form.

The small black factories, the fourth-class factories, and the third-class factories collectively employ about 80% of the proletarians, and these 80% of them are subject to varying degrees of illegal violations at any time. Physical proletarians are highly mobile due to low wages, poor benefits, high work intensity and low technical content. This high-intensity liquidity, on the one hand, is conducive to the illegal profits of capital (such as self-departure without paying wages, not buying provident funds after working for a year), and on the other hand, it is not conducive to the formation of local social relations for employees, so it is not conducive to employees. Form a sense of unity.

The first and second categories of factories employ about 20% of the proletarians in total, and these 20% are exploited in a basically legal state. Due to the relatively humane management and good welfare benefits, the mobility of the physical proletarians in the first and second-class factories is relatively small, and there are many old employees, who have formed their own social relations, and have long-term plans (such as working until the factory relocation), and pay more attention to Daily rights and solidarity are significantly stronger.

2. Labour, wages and hours of proletarians

(1) Physically proletarians

Work intensity. The physical proletarians have a high labor intensity, especially the third-class factories, fourth-class factories and small black factories. They mainly focus on assembly lines, and the work intensity is very high. In the first- and second-class factories, workers in non-assembly line positions will be more relaxed, especially some skilled workers can arrange labor independently to a certain extent, and can fish and paddle at work.

working environment. Class I and II factories are constrained by international customers on occupational safety and health, environmental protection, etc., and they also abide by laws and regulations on production safety. Departments with the same position and function have a better working environment than Class III and Class IV factories. The factory and the small black factory are better. The working environment of the third-class factory, the fourth-class factory and the small black factory is relatively poor. Take the installation of air conditioners as an example. Some factories install air conditioners, and some factories do not. Whether to install air conditioners does not depend on whether employees are unbearably hot, but on whether the temperature will affect production. For example, electronics factories are afraid that the sweat of employees will damage the components, and the workshops usually have air conditioners; while many equipment manufacturers do not install air conditioners. An employee of an electroplating workshop said, "In the eyes of the boss, we are not as good as a machine. If the electronic equipment is stained with sweat, he will feel heartache, and our underwear is so hot that he does not ask questions."

Occupational diseases and work injuries. The government requires all factories to report their occupational health hazards to the competent authorities every year, and also requires factories to conduct annual occupational health examinations. However, since the competent authority is the Health and Health Commission, which is far from the production field, and lacks law enforcement power, it is difficult to grasp the occupational disease hazards of each factory. According to a rough estimate, about 10% of all enterprises in District A have serious production safety problems, and the physically proletarians are more likely to suffer from occupational diseases when working in such enterprises (workers of other enterprises may also suffer from occupational diseases). The main occupational diseases are respiratory diseases caused by dust, hearing diseases caused by noise and poisoning by organic solutions. Although Class 1 and 2 factories are more standardized, work-related injuries and occupational diseases are still unavoidable and even high, and illegal matters are also seen from time to time. For example, there is a lot of noise in the stamping workshop of a Class II factory, and employees often suffer from occupational hearing impairments. The second-class factory colluded with the medical examination unit in the past few years, concealed the medical examination report, and let the hearing-impaired employees continue to work in the noise position. There are many irregularities in occupational safety and health in Class III factories. Many workers suffer from chronic poisoning from organic solvents, which leads to physical and mental disabilities, and they are often swept out of the factory.

working hours. Among all the physically proletarians, except for the first-class factories (accounting for about 1%), the working hours are 6 days and 12 hours (8:00 am to 8:00 pm), and some staff work longer hours. After a day with back pain, many workers want to rest in bed after get off work.

salary. The basic salary of the first-class factory workers obviously rises with their working years, and the basic salary of ten-year-old employees generally exceeds 4,000 yuan. If overtime work is controlled (no more than 36 hours a month), the wages of employees in Class I factories are slightly higher than those in Class II factories. If overtime is not controlled, the wages of employees in Class I factories will be significantly higher than those in Class II factories. For example, in a certain type of factory, the basic salary of 10-year-old employees is 5,600, and they work 100 hours of overtime. Most of the general workers in the second-class factories have a basic salary of the local minimum wage (or slightly higher) when they first enter the factory. The base salary will not exceed 3000. Generally speaking, the overtime hours of the second-class factories are about 80-110 hours (plus 2-3 hours from Monday to Friday, and 10-11 hours on weekends), and the hand salary is about 5,000 yuan. For workers in Class III, Class IV, and small black factories, their seniority wages are almost negligible, and the basic wage for 10-year workers (if any) is the local minimum wage. Except for the first-class factories, the salary range of almost all workers is roughly between 4,000-6,000 yuan, which can barely meet the labor force reproduction. The salary of the team leader is slightly higher than that of ordinary workers. For example, the team leader of the first- and second-class factories generally has a post allowance of several hundred yuan. rights, but very limited. In labor disputes, team leaders often stand on the side of ordinary workers. Some skilled workers will have higher wages. For example, the wages of mold masters in certain three types of factories can exceed 8k, but there are very few skilled workers.

benefits. Class I and II factories have better benefits for general workers. Some factories pay labor union funds in accordance with the law, and will give out holiday fees or high-standard condolences during Chinese New Year and festivals. The company's canteen is much better than other factories in terms of cleanliness, hygiene, and richness of dishes. The dormitory is usually air-conditioned and in good condition. Class III, Class IV, and Xiaohei factories have almost no welfare, and workers have no other monetary or in-kind income other than wages.

(2) The mentally proletarian

Factory clerks (clerks/documentary/project personnel), technicians, and engineers are all intellectual proletarians.

clerk. Clerks in small black factories, fourth-class factories, and third-class factories are generally paid around 5k. There are many clerks graduated from colleges in the first and second category factories, such as documentary or project personnel. The salary of these clerks will be higher, about 6-8k/month. Clerks work in the office and do not have much contact with ordinary people. The working environment is better than that of ordinary workers, and the labor is easier than ordinary workers. , with a white card; general workers are called operators, with a blue card).

technician. There are almost no independent technicians in Xiaohei Factory, and technicians are often the managers in charge of production. Most of the technicians in the second-class factories, almost all the third-class factories and the fourth-class factories are promoted from ordinary workers, and there is no difference from ordinary workers. The basic salary is mostly the local minimum wage (the second-class factory will be slightly higher). , and also rely on a lot of overtime to support the family. First-class factories and a small number of second-class factories will have a relatively stable team of technicians recruited from outside, usually with college or high school education (in recent years, the recruitment of technicians is mainly college and undergraduate), and the salary of such technicians is higher than that of ordinary technicians. Workers, team leaders, and clerks are all higher, often earning more than 7 or 8k (including overtime wages). The technicians of some first- and second-class factories will consciously distinguish themselves from ordinary ones. Take the adjusters (ie technicians) of the electroplating production line of a certain type of factory as an example. Although they have been operators (general workers) who have been working for many years, they have always been strict with themselves and the operators in their consciousness. To distinguish, you will also say to the operator on a daily basis, "You have to work hard, you have learned everything, and my position will be yours in the future".

engineer. Small black factories do not have independent engineers (there may be individual engineers), while large factories have independent engineers. There are three types of engineers in Dachang, one is the production engineer/technician who follows the line (such as PE/ie), the other is the engineer/technician responsible for machine repair, and the other is the engineer/technician who designs and develops. The main work place of the line engineer is in the workshop production line, and they need to work day and night; the main work place of the R&D engineer is in the office, and there is no need to work shift; the mechanic engineer works shifts according to the situation, some people like to stay in the office, and only go to the workshop when there is an occasional problem Deal with it, some people like to mix workshops. Engineers tend to work overtime (especially line engineers). Most companies have overtime pay, and some do not. In factories with overtime pay, production line engineers have overtime pay, and engineers stationed in the office often do not have overtime pay. Most overtime pay is calculated on the basis of basic wages (not the local minimum wage), and some employees are even paid less than their normal hourly wages for overtime work. The salaries of engineers in third-class factories and fourth-class factories are significantly higher than those of ordinary workers, and the wages of engineers in certain third-class factories are around 6-8k. The income of engineers in Class I and II factories is significantly higher than that of ordinary workers. Generally, engineers who graduate within 3-5 years can earn 8-10k. The engineers in the office have little daily contact with the physical proletarians, while the engineers on the line have a lot of daily contact with the physical proletarians, and can even get along with them. However, when there is a real labor conflict, whether it is a line engineer or other engineers, they tend to take a conservative stand. In a small-scale collective shutdown of a certain type of factory, many technicians and general workers were involved, but engineers all hid in the office to draw a clear line. When the superior leaders beat them, they also deliberately emphasized that "you are engineers, all of them are highly educated, you must have quality, and don't get involved with those workers on the production line and make trouble without reason."

3. The living conditions of the proletarians

All the proletarians have no hope of buying a house locally.

Unmarried young people in their 20s often live in dormitories or rent single rooms. Workers in their 30s with a family usually rent a house outside (20-30 square meters of one-bedroom), and their children are often in their hometown. If the total salary of the husband and wife exceeds 10,000 yuan, they will take the child with them and rent a larger house outside (usually a small two-bedroom house of 30-40 square meters).

The vast majority of the proletarians (both physically and mentally proletarians) live in poor conditions. The houses they live in are mainly urban villages, and the accommodation environment is very poor. A few years ago, sewage in urban villages was flowing, squirrels were running around, rubbish piled up on the streets, and wires were built without permission. In recent years, the government has invested a lot of money in reconstruction, but the effect is limited.

The social welfare resources enjoyed by the proletariat are very limited. There is no public general hospital in District A, but only one private hospital with less than 100 beds and less than 0.5 beds per 1,000 people (the national standard is roughly 5-6 per 1,000 people). Most of the children of the proletarians are left-behind children. The husband and wife work in the industrial area, and the children are raised by the elderly in their hometown. If the total income of the husband and wife exceeds 10,000 yuan, the children may be around, but they can only study in local private schools (the annual cost is roughly several thousand yuan). Only a small percentage of proletarian children are likely to apply to public schools locally. However, there is a serious shortage of educational resources in District A. There are no public high schools in District A, and there are fewer than 200 private high school degrees. Most junior high school graduates can only enroll in nearby areas. There is also a shortage of junior high school and primary school places in District A, with a gap of thousands of places (this Still eligible to apply to public schools, a large number of proletarians are not even eligible to apply).

The proletariat’s spare time life is monotonous and boring. Using mobile phones and playing games is the main entertainment. Workers occasionally go to KTV, and some workers who are infected with bad habits go to certain entertainment venues. In recent years, Party groups and volunteers in District A have held many activities, but the coverage is still very limited.

4. Current Consciousness of the Proletarians

At present, the consciousness of the proletariat is in the initial stage of growth from spontaneity to self-consciousness. The consciousness of the proletariat in District A has the following characteristics.

(1) Fighting

General workers, grass-roots team leaders, skilled workers, and technicians are the lower stratum of the proletariat. Their lives are the hardest, they suffer the most oppression, and therefore have the strongest fighting spirit.

Clerks are not paid more than the lowest proletarians, but their working environment is worse than that of the physical proletarians and technicians, and their work is easier than them, which means that they are not as oppressed as the lowest proletarians, so they are not as fighting as the lowest proletarians. powerful. In terms of classification, the civilian staff of the third-class, fourth- and small black factories are weaker than those of the first- and second-class factories, because the general workers in this factory have no action, they cannot see the power, and they often think that rights protection actions are useless. significance.

Engineers are typical intellectual proletarians. Their salaries are obviously higher than those of the previous groups. Many engineers are still university graduates and have better promotion prospects. They are the upper class of the proletariat. Although they are also heavily oppressed and work long hours, they always feel that they are not workers and always want to distinguish themselves from workers. Their consciousness is closer to the wavering petty bourgeoisie, and their fighting ability is obviously not as good as that of the bottom proletariat.

(2) Legal awareness

The legal awareness of proletarians in Class 1 and 2 factories is higher than that of factories in Class 3 and below. For example, many people who work in small black factories all year round are accustomed to not paying social security, while the employees of Class 2 factories hear that a fellow villager has no social security fund, he would know it's illegal. Some active employees also encourage fellow villagers to ask for social security.

(3) Awareness of association

The workers in District A generally recognized unity in an abstract way, but they said, "We can't unite, you see people are so scattered." A small number of advanced proletarians in Area A developed a sense of association and realized the importance of forming their own organizations. Such people are mainly workers in first- and second-class factories. Most workers with a sense of association have a low level of organization, which is insufficient to achieve the goal of association under the current labor-capital confrontation. However, on a national scale, more and more proletarians are aware of the importance of association, and workers' self-organization is the trend of the future.

(4) The possibility of unity

Due to the large number of old employees in the first- and second-class factories, they can form their own social relations in the factory, and it is easier to unite. Therefore, the workers of the first- and second-class factories will be more willing to act collectively and fight for their rights and interests.

Most of the general workers in the third-class, fourth-class and small black factories are young people in their twenties. Without long-term plans and plans, they often do not come after the new year. Their social relations are highly atomized, their organization is poor, and their awareness of rights and interests is weak.

The line leaders, foremen, and section leaders of the third-class, fourth-, and small black factories generally have some old employees. Their social relations are more stable and their awareness of rights and interests will be stronger. In addition, such factories also have some departments with less mobility, which are often departments with poor environment (big smell, high temperature, dust, etc.), and the employees in these departments are mostly old employees in their 40s who leave the factory It is difficult to find other jobs after, so it will not flow easily. These old employees have a stronger sense of rights and interests, and often take positive actions to protect their rights and interests.

Some of the small black factories also have general workers with longer working years. Such general workers stay in the factory mainly because of fellow villagers or relatives, and relatives conceal sharp class conflicts.

(5) Class consciousness

Regardless of the proletariat's legal consciousness and solidarity, it is easy for them to accept such terms as "exploitation" and "surplus value." But most of them will also say, "What's the use of knowing, and what can be done now." That is to say, if propaganda can be combined with the interests of the proletariat, such propaganda will really play a role in inspiring its awakening. . But on the contrary, if the propaganda cannot be combined with the vital interests of the proletariat, such propaganda will only become a slogan.

Part V. Labor-Management Conflicts in District A

Taking the factory proletarian as an example, we focus on analyzing the labor-capital conflict in District A.

1. Class I and Class II factories

These two types of factories are rare and good factories. The staff turnover is small, and there are many old employees with long working years (a large number of employees with 10 years of service in a certain type of factory). It is easier for workers to form their own social relations, which helps Strengthen worker solidarity. Workers in these two types of factories generally have a strong awareness of rights protection. Workers not only pay attention to wages, but also pay attention to various contradictions in their daily work (canteens, dormitories, air conditioners, high temperature subsidies, etc.) Staff communication meeting, manager mailbox, etc.).

In these two types of factories, the core contradiction between labor and management is still wages, but the workers in the factories tend to pursue longer-term interests. If there is no accident, most people will work until the factory is relocated (with tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands of compensation), and will not fight at the cost of losing their jobs. As a result, wage-hours conflicts generally manifest themselves in a long-term but not drastic way. They pay more attention to the contradictions in their daily life, such as overtime, night shift allowances, and improved working conditions. Only universal and huge benefits (such as economic compensation for relocating factories, etc.) can become and often become the fuse of violent protests. They do not stop work easily, but once a work stoppage occurs, the level of organization and struggle is higher than other factories.

From a daily point of view, the economic goal of workers in Class I and II factories is to maintain their rights and interests on a daily basis, and to strengthen mutual connections in the process.

From the perspective of the future: (1) Economic aspects. Workers in the first and second categories of factories will pay attention to and safeguard their daily rights and interests. Moreover, since the first- and second-class factories have relatively lucrative monopoly profits, the workers are relatively stable and have the possibility of long-term unity. The workers of the first- and second-class factories may also strive for higher basic wages (especially the second-class factories will have more space), within 5 days. The labor force reproduction can be completed within 8 hours (or if the overtime work does not exceed 36 hours per month), that is, a salary of 4,000-6,000 yuan under the current price. (2) Organizational aspects. Both types of factory workers can precipitate their own social relations, so it is necessary to try to establish a stable worker organization.

Class II, Class III, Class IV and small black factories

The main contradiction of the three types of factories is still the wage issue. Young employees vote with their feet to resign themselves, while older employees may use the social security provident fund as a breakthrough.

In a three-type factory, an old employee found out that the company had not paid the provident fund according to regulations when he left. His basic salary was around 2,000, and the average monthly salary after overtime was around 5,000. It is stipulated that the actual salary should be paid, that is, 5,000), 150 yuan less per month, and 3,600 yuan less in two years. After the employee complained to the housing provident fund management center, he successfully recovered 3,600 yuan of provident fund. According to the news, more than 200 employees of the three types of factories have successively complained to the factory, which led the factory to promise to pay the provident fund for all employees of the factory.

Three types of factories will also face relocation struggles. Category 1 and 2 factories are able to offer money to compensate the workers when they are relocated (although they often have to go through struggles), but Category 3 factories are unwilling to pay the money. The relocation of a certain three-category factory wanted to lose the compensation. As a result, the management of the factory organized and mobilized the workers from top to bottom to stop work, forcing the factory to issue a notice promising compensation.

Small black factories and four types of factories. The wages of such factories are not high, they do not pay social security and provident funds, they have strict management, and there are many illegal matters, resulting in high worker mobility, and it is difficult to settle down and form their own social relations. Therefore, the sense of unity and organization of workers in small black factories is the weakest. Under this circumstance, the employer's violation of the rights and interests of the employees is more serious. Arbitrary fines, non-payment of social security, etc. are the most common matters. Others such as illegal wage suppression (the last month's salary at the end of this month, or the last month's salary), collusion with intermediaries to deduct wages, and forcing self-departures to deduct wages are also common. Common Matters. Workers in such factories often defend their rights after their rights are violated (currently, large factories are mainly passive, but more active). The rights and interests mainly focus on arrears of wages, work-related injuries and compensation for moving factories, and rarely involve the improvement of working conditions ( Such as installing air conditioners in the workshop, etc.), there is almost no active attack on salary increases. However, due to frequent violations of the law in small black factories, the frequency of employee rights protection in small black factories is not low, and rights protection incidents due to wage arrears occur from time to time. Such factory workers are less united and more confrontational between individuals and capital. However, the employer does not sign the contract, and infringes rights and interests often in a piecemeal way (200 deducted here, 200 deducted there), many people feel that they do not have much money, and it is very troublesome to defend their rights, so they give up fighting.

From a daily point of view, the economic goal of the workers in the third-class factories, fourth-class factories and small black factories is to urge the factories to implement basic laws, such as purchasing social security and provident funds, enjoying statutory vacations, etc. These are things that workers can do and things already being done. In this process, more people's awareness of rights and interests can be awakened. Due to the meager profits of such factories, there is great uncertainty as to whether a single capital can support workers’ demands for labor reproduction within 5 days and 8 hours (or under the condition that they work no more than 36 hours of overtime per month). Therefore, the implementation of the 8-hour work system in small black factories or third- and fourth-class factories may require adjustments at the overall level.

From the perspective of the future: (1) Economic aspects. These types of factories do not have enough profit to allow workers to complete labor reproduction with no more than 36 hours of overtime per month (a small number of the three types of factories have more profits). In other words, it is impossible for such a factory to allow workers to live a slightly decent life within the scope of capitalism. In this way, the workers' struggle can only lead to a better life by breaking the entire current pattern of interests. (2) Organizational aspects. These types of factory workers are not able to settle their own social relations, so it is difficult to establish a labor union-like organization.

The sixth part, the basic conclusion

1. The three strata of District A

There are three classes in District A. The basic situation is as follows.

1. Business owners and social managers

The upper layer of this hierarchy consists of three parts. (1) The core group of social managers represented by the street leadership team (the leadership team plus the real power figures in the street). They basically do not directly control the means of production locally (but do not rule out their family controlling the means of production in other places). (2) Local tyrants represented by the chairman of the village joint-stock company and the secretary of the community party committee. They hold a large amount of local land, and the community joint-stock company is their economic foundation. (3) Private industrial monopoly capital and its agents represented by shareholders and general managers of large factories (mainly the first, second and third categories of factories). They monopolize the major local industrial enterprises and are the core pillar of the local economy.

The lower level of this hierarchy consists of two parts. (1) Small capital (and some intermediaries) in industrial and commercial capital, these small capitals are mainly foreigners (local people generally do not open factories but collect rent). (2) There are people with a certain amount of land in the local ordinary villagers.

These people are only a very small number of the population. They do not engage in specific production labor, but directly or indirectly control almost all production means and obtain huge benefits (social managers aside).

2. petty bourgeois

The local petty bourgeoisie can be roughly divided into two categories. (1) The traditional petty bourgeoisie are mainly those who do some small businesses. They master the means of production and obtain income mainly through their own labor. (2) The emerging petty bourgeoisie are mainly middle- and upper-level managers or senior engineers of large factories. They do not directly control the means of production, but they can master production and organize production to a certain extent in production labor, so they can obtain a lot of income.

This group of people owns the means of production and obtains benefits through their own labor. They do not exploit others and are basically not exploited by others. However, a small part of this group is getting better and better, and most are struggling to maintain or gradually decline.

3. The proletarian

The proletariat in District A is divided into the proletariat employed in factories and the proletariat employed in commercial services, among which the proletariat employed in factories accounts for the vast majority.

General workers, grass-roots management (such as line leaders), skilled workers, factory clerks (clerks/documents/project personnel), technicians, and engineers are the main body of the factory proletarians. Among them, general workers, grass-roots management (such as line leaders), and skilled workers belong to the physical proletariat, while factory clerks (clerical/documentary/project personnel), technicians, and engineers all belong to the intellectual proletariat. On the whole, about 40% of the proletarians were employed in small black factories or fourth-class factories, about 40% were employed in third-class factories, and the remaining 20% were employed in first- and second-class factories.

These people are the most important workers in District A and the actual creators of the economic prosperity of District A. However, they do not own any means of production and can only be employed by the owners of the means of production. Their efforts have boosted the economy of District A, supported various large and small bosses, supported land rentiers who have nothing to do, and are also the main source of customers for small shop owners. However, they can only live in narrow urban villages, and most people live with When children are separated, the livelihood resources they can enjoy are very limited. Most of them work 6 days, 12 hours a day, even dozens of days in peak season. 996 is so good for them. And just like that, their rights are being violated at any time.

2. Analysis of Contradiction in Area A

Labor-capital conflict is the main conflict in District A. (1) There are a large number of small and micro enterprises (small black factories) in District A. They have strict management and often default on wages, which often triggers daily resistance from workers. (2) There are a large number of labor-intensive enterprises (class 3 and 4 factories) in District A. In recent years, the economic downturn has caused many relocations, which has caused dozens of workers to stop work every year. (3) Most small factories in District A do not pay provident funds, and many large factories do not pay provident funds in a standardized manner, which often leads to complaints from workers. (4) Even in a second-class factory in District A, workers need to work 12 hours a day for 6 days, and labor laws are nothing. (5) Only 1% of Class I factories in District A employ workers. Even in Class I factories, the income of the workers will only be enough to make ends meet. All of this leads to frequent struggles between laborers under the oppression of capital, and it is not uncommon to have conflicts in production lines and general shutdowns.

Frequent security incidents are the secondary contradictions in District A. Due to the huge number of migrant workers, the public security management in District A is under great pressure, and various criminal cases such as fraud, theft, robbery, etc. frequently occur. A considerable part of the perpetrators of criminal cases are the so-called "floating population". Due to the intense conflict, the government hired a large number of personnel to maintain stability, such as grids, auxiliary police, community workers, and so on. This group of contradictions is the secondary contradiction in District A. Its social root is that a large number of so-called "floating population" cannot obtain decent wages and income. That is to say, this group of contradictions itself is restricted by the contradiction between labor and capital.

The contradiction between petty bourgeois and big capital represented by land capital is the secondary contradiction in Area A. Petty bourgeois are subject to all kinds of exploitation, and their profit margins are constantly being eroded, especially the owners of small shops. The most hated person is the landlord. The conflicts between them are sometimes even violent, and the shop owners once boycotted rent increases. However, their contradictions are secondary contradictions in Area A, and it is difficult to resolve this group of contradictions when the system that causes labor-capital contradictions is not resolved. Therefore, in the final analysis, this group of contradictions is also constrained by the contradiction between labor and capital.

There are also contradictions within the upper classes, mainly manifested in two aspects (the main, not just). One is the contradiction between landowners/social managers (the system represented by social managers) and small capitalists, and the other is the contradiction between landowners and social managers. These two groups of conflicts are internal conflicts among the upper classes. Although they are sometimes intense, they are only secondary conflicts in District A. Once a more severe labor-capital conflict arises, the upper classes will tend to coordinate their interests and give priority to resolving labor-capital conflicts. This shows that this group of conflicts is also constrained by labor-capital conflicts.