746 Politics in the Clinic Chair: How to Be a More Conscious Citizen | Mind Workshop

Beast Press: It has always been believed that "external politics" and "internal mind" are not opposites, and spiritual education and civic education also need to go hand in hand in order to cultivate civilized people with both spirituality and rationality. Such beliefs resonate in Andrew Samuels' Politics in the Clinic Chair, nodding as he reads: Yes, that's it.

Andrew Samus introduced the psychoanalytic concept of "good enough" into political psychology to help us avoid the habitual response of being overly idealistic or denigrating leaders, which at the same time means citizens don't idealize or denigrate themselves - if If we want to fix the world, we should start by accepting our broken state.

In this way, when realpolitik fails to conform to the ideal, we can avoid the paralysis caused by intense disappointment, avoid complete despair and contempt for reality, and thus be able to criticize and act more freely. When citizens feel less powerless, they are less likely to give up their autonomy and are more able to make a difference.

By repositioning citizens as healers of society, encouraging them to embrace their own political personalities and myths, citizens will no longer acquiesce to today's situation, but challenge it. After reading this book, we will understand that even if we do not have any political power, we may have a lot of political energy; what people think and feel about politics can influence and create reality!

Rational enlightenment and spiritual awakening use the same word: enlightenment. Both enlightenments speak of the most forgiving heart, the noblest soul, and the deepest destiny of common humanity; both are calling out to us for the best way of being, and how noble we can be; both enlightenments Convergence is one, pointing to the liberation of all beings. On the one hand, it is liberation in the realm of time (Western rational enlightenment), and on the other hand, it is liberation beyond the time dimension (Eastern spiritual awakening). Political freedom and spiritual freedom are intertwined here, becoming a kind of The ideal longitude and latitude of culture.

If sentient beings cannot enjoy these two freedoms, why should we talk about world peace? If the face of any spiritual son does not see these two freedoms shining, what deep joy do we have? If some souls cannot find freedom in the vast and infinite world, who of us can really sleep peacefully at night? Without praying for everyone at the same time, who would dare to start praying for ourselves? If all living beings are not equal to the sea of liberation and liberation, who of us can truly be liberated?

Perhaps, political freedom is combined with spiritual freedom, time is combined with supertime, and space is combined with infinity, so that we can finally settle down, be still, and be at ease, construct the universe with care, construct the world with compassion, and contact with kindness, kindness, and joy. Every soul lights up all things with a never-fading glory. The voice of truth, the voice of goodness, the voice of beauty is calling us, calling you and me in different ways, to witness the liberation of sentient beings together.

Special recommendation: Nanfang Shuo, Chen Junlin, Zhang Kaili, Ye Qizheng, Liao Xianhao, Deng Huiwen sincerely recommend

Political realities are disappointing,

to give up the effort in despair.

The original idealism has hibernated, and the political winter is still...

Rather than expect an 'ideal statesman'

It's better to supervise "good enough politicians"

The goal of this book is to educate the reader on the contribution of a holistic worldview of psychotherapy to political transformation.

Andrew Samus introduced the psychoanalytic concept of "good enough" into political psychology to help us avoid the habitual response of being overly idealistic or denigrating leaders, which at the same time means that citizens don't idealize or denigrate themselves - if If we want to fix the world, we should start by accepting our broken state.

In this way, when realpolitik fails to conform to the ideal, we can avoid the paralysis caused by intense disappointment, avoid complete despair and contempt for reality, and thus be able to criticize and act more freely. When citizens feel less powerless, they are less likely to give up their autonomy and are more able to make a difference.

By repositioning citizens as healers of society, encouraging them to embrace their own political personalities and myths, citizens will no longer acquiesce to today's situation, but challenge it. After reading this book, we will understand that even if we do not have any political power, we may have a lot of political energy; what people think and feel about politics can influence and create reality!

"The Politics of the Diagnosis Chair is a book worthy of careful study by the professional psychology community and general readers. This book has a very thorough analysis of contemporary "transition politics", especially the latest "transition economy". Today's Taiwan There is no doubt that it is time for political and social transformation. Now is the time to put politics on the diagnosis and treatment chair. The publication of this book is at the right time!" - Nanfang Shuo

"This book written by Samus in 2001 is a work for enlightenment of civic political awareness. It discusses "psychotherapy" from the point of view of the "Post-Jungian School" and the psychoanalytic "Middle School". Between the lines of this book, we can’t see whether other schools of psychoanalysis have any influence on the author. However, the author has interacted with the “Relational School” of psychoanalysis in recent years, and his current views are here. After the book was published, it should also change. The author hopes that psychotherapy can promote the awakening of citizens' political consciousness, citizens can become social healers, and people without power can exert their political energy and gather into each other's "environment for growth promotion" ” (facilitating environment), which provides a space for discussion and practice, and then transforms politics. The most suitable readers of this book are Taiwan in the decade before and after the lifting of the martial law in 1987, Taiwan after 2016, Hong Kong after 2014, and now in 2017 the middle class in China’s first- and second-tier cities in

"Andrew Samuse's provocative concept of combining inner and outer life is a common sense, but rarely seen so. Contributing to today’s politics. I find his books compelling, insightful, and optimistic, qualities that are fundamental to building a better world.”—Former U.S. Senator Bill Bradley

"Andrew Samus is probably the most prominent and representative contemporary Jungian scholar."—American Imago

"Expressive, bold, active, eloquent, eloquent, infectious, interesting, radical, and unfettered, these are inseparable from his extraordinary intelligence, artistic talent, and broad and deep theoretical knowledge and clinical experience. .”—San Francisco Library Journal

This book won the Gradiva Award from the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis (NAAP).

Nanfang Shuo (writer, social commentator)

Chen Junlin (Director, Mental Health Center, East Asian Memorial Hospital)

Kaili Zhang (Director of the Department of Psychiatry, Taoyuan Branch, Taipei Veterans General Hospital)

Ye Qizheng (Former Chair Professor, Department of Social Psychology, Shih Hsin University)

Liao Xianhao (Professor, Department of Foreign Languages and Literature, National Taiwan University)

Deng Huiwen (writer, psychiatrist)

Sincerely recommended (in alphabetical order of surname)

Book Contents

Recommended by all parties

﹝Recommended Preface 1﹞A Little Bible of Transformational Politics

(Recommended Preface 2) Politics on the recliner? Psychotherapy on the knife? Thirty Chen Junlin

﹝Chinese Version Preface ﹞Citizenship and Inner World

foreword

Xie Zhi

Chapter One. the private life of politics

Chapter two. transition politics

political energy

Political mind?

inner statesman

The political myth of the ego

Politics and "Humanity"

third chapter. Thirty New Deals for Women and Men

men and politics

An ode to gender confusion

Chapter Four. The secret politics of the family

The Secret Politics of the Parent's Bed

The Secret Politics of Sons and Mothers

The Secret Politics of Daughter and Father

The Secret Politics of Siblings

chapter Five. The Secret Psychology of Political Forms

political form

Incest fantasies and new forms of politics

Son-Father Political Form

brother to brother form of politics

Chapter Six. good enough leader

good enough

leadership and failure

good enough leadership

Epilogue

Chapter VII. Good-enough father and gender-neutral mother

father in contemporary politics

play father role

The politics of paternal warmth

The politics of paternal assault

Can fathers change?

Psychotherapy and Fathers

future father

chapter eight. Politics, Spirituality, Psychotherapy

multiple minds

The hidden spiritual politics of human connection

Psychotherapy and Sense of Justice

Chapter nine. economic mind

Why the economy?

Retraining of the mind

new debate

economics of psychology

How do you really feel about the economy?

Psychotherapy and Economics

chapter Ten. political clinic

Some Notes on Reverse Transference

political clinic

body in politics

subjective politics

reflection as a summary

Chapter Eleven. Psychotherapy, Citizenship and the State

State Thirty State is part of State Thirty State

diversity in politics

The problem of pluralism

Chapter Twelve. explore national psychology

Chapter Thirteen. political transformation 30 transformation

bibliography

Further reading

﹝Recommended Preface ﹞ A little bible of transitional politics

Nanfang Shuo (writer, social commentator)

In 1987, the American Political Science Association (APSA) held its annual meeting in Chicago. At that annual meeting, through the establishment of an "Ecological and Transitional Politics Group" by American University professor Jeft Fishel, its members Including innovative scholars in emerging fields such as humanitarian psychology, futurology, political movement research, ecological sustainability research, and telecommunications democracy; mobilized schools include Stanford University, Northwestern University, Johns Hopkins University, Chicago University, Brown University, University of California, Berkeley, Massachusetts Institute of Technology and other famous schools.

Since 1987, the term and concept of "transformational politics" has become the most emerging field of contemporary academic thought. According to a collection of essays, "Transitional Politics: Theory, Research, and Practice," by Stephen Woolpert, a professor of government studies at St. Mary's College in California, and others, scholars believe that today's politics has reached a new crossroads. Today's politics have become outdated and rigid. Old problems cannot be solved, and new problems have no concept at all. Therefore, politics and society have become a source of dissatisfaction. Politicians only know that they are stubborn and old-fashioned, their language is boring, and politics has inevitably become mediocre after lacking a new vision. Contemporary theorists are flooded with terms such as "post-freedom," "post-modern," "post-patriarchy," "post-material," and "post-structural," which shows exactly what happens when politics and society are stagnant and no new paradigm can be seen. "Discussion flooding". There is a big law in the progress of human civilization. When the new model of an era is clear, people will strive to move towards the new model. However, if they reach a crossroad and cannot see the new model and direction, people will be hesitant and dissatisfied. It will be manifested in various image-based criticisms, such as "post-freedom" and "post-modern" and other discourse symbols. It is a kind of vague dissatisfaction and a criticism of the status quo. , After the operational concept was put forward, the positioning of the new paradigm became clear. "Transformation" is a new value orientation, a more horizontal and diverse democracy, a more emphasis on fairness and justice, a return to human nature, and a timetable for new gender and ecological values to enter politics, industry and society.

Since the "American Political Science Association" put forward the new concept of "transition politics", the most noteworthy is the contemporary research and practice of "transition", with special emphasis on three aspects of "transition"; one is the political Movement and social movement, another is culture and a new conscience of values, and the third is psychology and the aspects of psychoanalysis and psychiatry.

First of all, in terms of political and social movements, modern scholars have noticed that the government bureaucracy in each country, due to the huge rigidity of the system, has been tightly bound by the status quo, and it is impossible to make any changes or innovations. Development, gender politics, ecological politics, pluralism and even peace politics are not driven by bureaucracy, but by civic politics and social movements. Therefore, scholars believe that the new paradigm of politics and society has to focus on social and political movements. Citizen first has become the most basic driving force of political and social transformation.

Secondly, as far as the role of cultural criticism is concerned, modern scholars have long discovered that culture is politics, politics is culture, and a society or even the entire earth has long been constrained by fixed cultural values. Therefore, for political and social transformation, priority must be given to efforts to Transformation of culture and values. And a kind of "anti" cultural criticism involving "paradigm shift" is the most difficult career. It must have an alternative vision, must have a new overall understanding, must have a dialogue with the huge commercial conservative culture, must not be The existing cultural system plagiarizes and occupies, and new values and imaginations must be given to the new culture. The main reason why contemporary transformation is extremely slow is that new cultural values always seem so powerless, and cultural discourse cannot be integrated with social and political movements in a timely manner, resulting in fragmented and sporadic movements.

The third aspect is the deeply critical aspect of psychology and psychoanalysis and psychotherapy, which is precisely the book Politics in the Diagnosis Chair by Andrew Samuels, a contemporary post-Jungian scholar: How to Be a More Conscious Citizen” is about this topic, and it happens to be at the heart of what is called “Humanistic psychology” in contemporary “politics of transition”. It breaks the dichotomy of "external politics" and "internal mind" that people are accustomed to, and believes that "internal mind" and "external politics" are actually a dialectically unified category. In the aforementioned "Transitional Politics" essay collection, Georgetown University professor Barbara. In the paper written by Barbara Night, he pointed out that "if the inner part of each person has not been transformed, the changes in the world structure will not have an impact on the system." Therefore, the "transformation" must be based on people's ego. Start, and then form a new self-awareness with what Jung called "mental alchemy" in his early years, and then combine external changes to promote self-transformation. And Woolport, the editor-in-chief of the collection, is also one of the editors of the Journal of Humanitarian Psychology. He also pointed out in the concluding paper that the greatest function of psychology for "transformation" is that through analysis and diagnosis, the mind can be transformed The shaded and institutionalized black plates are illuminated with new light, and thus gain new enlightenment. Therefore, the psychoanalytic methodologies such as "mental alchemy" and "collective unconsciousness" that Jung talked about in his early years came into play. Marcel Proust, a modern French writer, once famously said: "The real journey of discovery is not to find new land, but to find new eyes to see problems." His famous saying has become The core phrase of "transition politics" is also the true value of "humanistic psychology".

Therefore, psychoanalysis and psychotherapy are too important for "transitional politics". Anyone who has an understanding of modern psychoanalysis knows that from Freud onwards, scholars of psychoanalysis and therapy have worked hard to connect people's self-microcosm with the external environment. Martin Jay, a famous scholar of the previous generation, has a special chapter "Integration of Psychoanalysis" in his famous book "Dialectical Imagination". School, in psychoanalysis and therapy, how to apply the methods of analysis and diagnosis to political and social criticism, the opening of previous scholars to free private life, the deconstruction of autocratic politics, the rigidity of the system, and the redefinition of happiness all leave excellence achievement. That is to say, the use of psychoanalysis and psychotherapy for political and social criticism has actually come a long way in the past, and now it has accumulated to a new high due to dissatisfaction with the system, and it has been embodied as "transformation" The time has come for this new theory and new global movement, analysts and therapists, to start again.

"The Politics in the Diagnosis Chair" is a book worthy of careful study by the professional psychology community and general readers. The author, Samus, is an important scholar of the post-Jungian school. He has participated in many practical work and has been responsible for political consultation. , especially in the civil dissatisfaction movement, he also has a lot of involvement, so this book has a very thorough analysis of contemporary "transition politics", especially the latest "transition economy". There is no doubt that today's Taiwan has reached a juncture in which politics and society should be transformed. With leadership and institutional incompetence on the rise, civil dissatisfaction movements have sprung up in waves, it's time to put politics in the medical chair, and this book comes at just the right time!

(Recommended Preface 2) Politics on the recliner? Psychotherapy on the knife?

Chen Junlin (psychiatrist, member of the Taiwan Jungian Development Group)

In the long and subtle career of psychotherapy, facing the baptism of the heartfelt words and theories of countless cases, I always feel that as a therapist, I should learn more about human nature than ordinary people, and human nature should be the foundation of everyone’s affairs. I think I can read more about the overtones of political, economic and personnel affairs. However, after leaving the meeting room and returning to work, he felt powerless in the face of the superior's requirements and the constraints of the system. Psychotherapists who seem to be transparent with human feelings are actually weak in many systems under the current social situation, which always makes me feel a kind of contradiction. Looking back, all kinds of mental health professionals have never occupied too many political and economic positions, and it is even more difficult to use political power to realize the ideal of psychotherapy.

This somewhat originated from the principles of neutrality and moderation in classical psychoanalysis, as well as the ethical consideration of psychotherapy's conservative intervention in the client's life, but it has also become an attitude of introversion, sitting in the treatment room, detached from the world. When therapists are less physically involved in the real politics of society, it is only right that political figures in power decide the fate of psychotherapy.

So, even though psychotherapy sounds full of moral heights and intellectual insights, it is just as the author quotes James. Hillman's book titled "We Have Psychotherapy for a Hundred Years, But the World Has Got Worse" mirrors the knowledge that a knowledge of helping humans dismantle good and evil in human hearts in a therapy room can really be compared with that outside the therapy room. Are there any connections between the political systems in which humans are organized to control humans? The work of Andrew Samuels, of course, must read.

One of the reasons it is a must-read is because Andrew Samus is one of the few analysts who has stepped out of the therapy room to actively engage in political and social action. Born in 1949, he has been involved in social movements for many years, and obtained the qualification of spiritual social worker in the field of mental health, and later completed his training as a Jungian analyst. Among his many achievements in psychoanalysis and social movements, especially in 1995, he led the establishment of the organization "Psychotherapists and Counsellors for Social Responsibility" (PCSR, Psychotherapists and Counsellors for Social Responsibility). It is especially classic that therapists from different schools of analysis, Jungian analysis, and humanistic psychology share concerns about many different social issues. When I was looking back on history, I learned that the British ecological psychology was also called by the PCSR, and Mary-Jane. Mary-Jayne Rust (Editor-in-Chief of "Malfunctioning Earth" (Spiritual Workshop, 2015)) and others led the development. He has always advocated the combination of wisdom obtained from psychotherapy and political operation, and gradually accumulated practical opportunities, so he once collaborated with the famous sociologist Anthony. Anthony Giddens served as an adviser to British Labour Prime Minister Anthony Blair, and he also served as a consultant to political figures or social movement groups in Europe, America, Brazil, Israel, Japan, Russia, South Africa and other places.

This book "Politics in the Medical Chair" is the consistent development of his important ideas, together with his first two books "The Plural Psyche" (The Plural Psyche, 1989) and "The Political Psyche" (The Political Psyche, 1993). Trilogy of his series.

I try to understand this book on three levels.

The first level includes the first two chapters "The Private Life of Politics" and "Transitional Politics", which criticize the drawbacks of contemporary politics. Similarly, readers of various countries should feel the same. He tried to use the profession of a psychoanalyst to inspire people to consider accepting the perspective of psychoanalysis and psychotherapy as a possible way to understand and change politics. At the same time, therapists and analysts are encouraged to step out of the treatment room and actually engage in social action, or at least not be seriously decoupled from the real world, and they cannot be satisfied with just a sloppy psychological analysis of the specific behavior of politicians. This inspiration comes from the mouth of a senior analyst who has actually entered the social movement and political action so deeply, and it is especially worth pondering by psychologists. Deep psychology has always had a belief that although the existing pattern of human inner mind is not easy to know, it also forms the appearance of the artificial world outside after projection. Based on this belief, it is also believed that dealing with the work of the inner mind will also help the goodness of the human world outside. In addition, it is worth mentioning that the term transformation, in the Jungian school, inevitably has some positive connotations, and contains the staged progress that the individualization process must go through. What the book wants to point to is to create a political type that can have a transformative function.

The second level brings together Chapters 3 through 7, including "The New Deal for Women and Men", "The Secret Politics of the Family", "The Secret Psychology of Political Forms", "The Good Enough Leader" ”, “Good Enough Fathers and Gender-neutral Mothers”, etc. Sexuality has always been a major issue in psychoanalysis, both the source of all energy and an important parameter of subsequent interaction patterns. In the tradition of Jungian psychology, although there are specific archetypal patterns for the characteristics and interaction of men and women, the views on masculinity and femininity in men are relatively fluid. Under the surface of male and female gender, different proportions and depths of masculinity and femininity can also be integrated. Even in the process of life maturity, reconciling the two yin and yang forces in one's heart is one of the important issues. This book uses sex, gender, and the parent-child interaction model of different genders in the family as a template to think about political patterns. It is an important dialogue between the author's Jungian theoretical background and political analysis, and uses the way of thinking of symbolic images to propose erotic leadership and troublemaker leadership. , Sibling leaders three possible leadership archetypes.

The third major level is Chapters 8 to 13, which includes "Politics, Spirituality, Psychotherapy", "Economic Mind", "Political Clinic", "Psychotherapy, Citizenship and State", "Inquiry" Chapters such as "National Psychology" and "Political Transformation Thirty-Six Transformations" took a bigger step and used the perspective of psychoanalysis and psychotherapy to think about major national issues. In addition to the abstract analysis of individual topics, what is even more interesting is that the book reveals that the group model that psychotherapists excel at can also be used to deal with political and economic topics. As shown in the book, we can try to understand the political and economic experiences of members' lives in the mode of group work, and explore the contrast between these experiences and the personal family and psychological evolution. Based on the political and psychological work at the individual level, the author proposes a larger political and psychological imagination. As he put forward in the last chapter, when the whole society has a more psychological concept of psychotherapy, some public institutions with psychotherapy implications are even established. Departments are implementing certain policies, and even use the director of psychotherapy to heal certain policies that have not been implemented. What such a political system will look like is worth everyone's imagination.

Of course, the author also pragmatically admits that these visions may not be realized in the foreseeable future. As a therapist, of course, I am also looking forward to the greater use of psychotherapy on major human issues, but I have to feel that power is probably a completely different aspect, and that is the bargaining chip that politics must face nakedly. exchange. For example, when faced with a worrying leader, people can of course make various comments from different aspects such as law, history, economy, psychology, etc., but the power in hand is often the most important factor in determining the direction at the moment. Unfortunately, the neutrality and moderation that psychotherapy pays attention to, as well as the clear-minded monk archetype in the psychotherapist tradition with clear arms, seem to be far from attaining power. Therefore, the fantasy of putting politics in the chair of psychotherapy is occasionally acceptable, but the reality that psychotherapy is placed on the sword of the system appears more often.

At the end of 2013, Andrew was arranged by the Jungian Development Group in Taiwan to come down and conduct a workshop on "Psychotherapy for a wider society". The author participated in it at the time and was fortunate enough to meet him in person and chat on the topic of PCSR and ecological psychology while helping to lead the way. Consistent with the theme of the workshop, his actions and actions are full of a kind of arrogance that is different from other therapists, and he is described in a pertinent description of the event's announcement at the time: "He is not like the familiar Jungian analyst in Taiwan, not that kind of 'Xianfeng Daogu'. look like”, but also gave therapists a new paradigm. If the practice of psychotherapy is really worthy of reference for the operation of human society, at least as the author believes, therapists always agree with healing and bridging the gap, then how to obtain a reasonable proportion of political power through social participation, Perhaps the best example therapists should look to in Andrew.

﹝Chinese Version Preface ﹞ Citizenship and Inner World

Andrew Samus

two-way

The content of this book attempts to make meaningful connections between social and political phenomena and psychotherapy. When I write, I always use the "two-way" technique. The purpose is: first, to allow social phenomena to criticize, inspire, and transform psychological issues; second, to help society progress through psychotherapeutic thinking. Psychological process and life in society are inseparable. Psychological issues and subjective experiences cannot be independent of social, cultural, and historical contexts, nor can they be exactly reduced to the social factor. Similarly, societies and cultures each have their own dimensions of psychological factors, which are characterized by a series of psychological processes and relationships between subjects.

One of the main goals of this book is to assess how much psychotherapy contributes to "getting us out of thinking the way the state wants us to think". To get there, we must recalibrate the overall political stance of the profession. At the beginning of the development of psychotherapy, there is a characteristic that many people have noticed, that is, the ideas of people in the industry are more radical, but then in order to be accepted by those in power, they gradually lost such a radical voice. I hope this book more or less conveys how to get back this fundamental activism.

I am a practicing psychotherapist, academic, and political campaigner. I am very careful to test the limits of the topics discussed in this book. I'm passionate about this topic, but I'm also cautious and critical. In this book, we discuss real issues that are not limited to subject experience, such as gender politics, economics, aggression and violence, leadership, spirituality in social contexts, and fatherhood.

To be honest, aside from alleviating personal suffering, other possibilities for psychotherapy to contribute to society are not so popular. The first meeting was let go of the world! Even clinical work with individuals is dismissed as the new collective opium, distracting us from what's wrong with this society, and creating a sort of semblance of independence that scoffs at the value of collective life.

psychotherapy problems

Honestly, this string of setbacks is of the therapist's own making. Our energy is usually spent proving our theories right rather than making fundamental changes. Infuriating with the honesty and honesty of psychotherapists, when met with blind reductionism, which treats all social phenomena as psychic fragments, it becomes frivolous panpsychism. Not to mention psychotherapy's dark history of treating different groups, especially sexually oriented minorities.

Even in modern times, when homophobia has disappeared, there is still a tendency in psychotherapy circles to divide gays into "good gays" and "bad gays." The former emulates all the so-called advantages that come with all heterosexual long-term relationships or marriages. The latter were seen as unconventional radicals, living a life of unthinking lewdness.

And people outside of this field know that to get into the field of psychotherapy, and not the kind of mechanical psychotherapy, unless you are very rich, I am afraid it is difficult to do. In Western countries, it is not easy for members of ethnic minorities or the working class to be trained as psychotherapists, and I don't know if the situation is similar in Taiwan.

The ultimate goal of our pursuit remains the broad application of psychotherapeutic concepts to the exploration of social and political operations and problems, in an interdisciplinary way to gain a deeper understanding. These issues include the superficiality and injustice of contemporary life, wars and violence that seem impossible to eradicate, or puzzling collective phenomena like climate change denial.

Therapists involved in social movements

I would like to make some comments for psychotherapists involved in social movements. Social and political movements by the psychotherapist community are still very interesting. We have witnessed the formation of the "socially responsible psychotherapists and counselors" organization in the UK in the mid-1990s, and there are also specific groups that focus on issues such as nuclear weapons and climate change and sustainable development. But I must say that many psychotherapists are not sure how to combine activism with the role and image of the psychotherapist's profession. If you are involved in political movements or interact with politicians as a therapist, should you act as a therapist, or should you participate as a citizen who happens to be a psychotherapist? Or both? What is the relevant code of ethics?

My focus now turns to certain psychotherapeutic and counselor organizations that want to have influence in the political arena, their political philosophies are coherent and, to some extent, regulated by their profession. Due to length constraints, I will discuss only two topics. First, whether such an organization is necessarily (or should) be politically left-leaning, or "radical" in some respects, after all we seem to claim that this age has moved beyond left- or right-leaning frames . If left-leaning is unavoidable, then the organization has to admit that it cannot represent an opinion that both parties feel is professional (although it may sometimes be), and certainly cannot speak on behalf of the profession as a whole. One of the most obvious examples is when a group of psychotherapists spoke out against a certain candidate in an important election.

Political mistakes made by therapists

When it comes to the use of the concept of psychotherapy by politicians or political circles, we must remember that the history of psychoanalysis contains a series of collusions with those in power. Jung was not tempted, and historical research in recent years has pointed out that in the 1930s Anna. Freud and Ernest. So does Ernest Jones.

It must be noted that there is a difference between using psychological concepts in the absence of a psychologist and participating in their services in the presence of a counselor. For example, I have consulted with politicians and political movement groups in many countries, and many psychotherapists have had this experience. All agree that such an experience can be wonderful, yet frustrating and humbling. However, interesting issues like definition, integration, and identity also arise in the process.

Finally, readers are welcome to contact me. My email address is andrew@andrewsamuels.net and my personal website is www.andrewsamuels.com.

foreword

In one sense, "Politics in the Medical Chair" is the epilogue to the trilogy. The trilogy began with The Plural Psyche (1989) and was followed by The Political Psyche (1993). The first two books in the series attempted to connect our inner and outer worlds, that is, between the seemingly opposing fields of psychotherapy and politics; while this book continues this theme, it often challenges its own argument. Moreover, most of the content of this book is motivated by the stimulation of echoes of my earlier concepts.

"Politics in the Medical Chair" is the most ambitious work in this trilogy, and is enough to show my long-standing effort to create a new language. So, as in the other two books, I did it as well as I could with my literal ability.

Like all authors, I've always wondered how readers will read this book. Will readers read the book as the text of a professor or a psychotherapist? The two characters seek truth in very different ways and view the relative importance of various emotions and the way they manifest themselves in individual actions. For the therapist, the key test is how one experiences "inside," how he or she dreams, develops relationships, and speaks and does in the private sphere. For academics, these may all be important, and the overall emphasis is—well, yes, academics.

Will the book look like it was written by someone who is 100 percent a therapist, or by a citizen who happens to be a therapist? Sometimes people say to me, "Yes, books are interesting and useful, but you don't have to go through the mouth of a therapist to say things like that. Can't you just offer some therapist-professional views on these issues?" Others said, "Yes, professional therapists and analysts will be interested in your point of view, but what's the political utility?" I organized a number of side meetings at the Labour Party Congress in the 1990s, and also gave speeches, that is typical example. Through these conditions, I have become familiar with how to face these doubts. Sometimes the two responses even come together in the same speech.

This is the case, in part because psychotherapy and its way of thinking are not widely accepted and popular in public conversation. The therapist is often seen as someone who is out of touch with the real world, and therefore untrustworthy. However, powerful politicians and famous people, who have no great definition or practice of our political culture, cannot reject these ways of thinking that are not within their control.

And will this book be read as a "Jungian" text? I tried to comment on Jung's anti-Semitism in The Political Mind, advising today's Jungian analysts to mend what Jung said and did in the past. Many of my colleagues not only embraced the offer, but joined me in an effort to examine the entire spectrum of Jungian theory to see what needs to be adjusted or even abandoned. After a critical analysis of Jung's concepts of culture and the mind, I am now comfortable putting together concepts that I really find relevant and useful.

However, in terms of my professional identity, I would prefer to be considered a psychotherapist with a post-Jungian training background. In Freudian psychoanalytic circles and in intellectual circles, there is still a certain stigma attached to "Jungian", which leads people to question his work. If "Jungian" is like this, let me be blunt: this book is not a "Jungian" work and should not be read in that light. This book should be read on its own merits. Or, to paraphrase the preamble, any errors in the book should be blamed on the author, not Carl Gustav Jung.

Finally, the empirical basis for this book is drawn from the several political organizations I have been involved with, and from recent political developments. I continue to consult and lead workshops in the UK, US, Brazil, Israel and South Africa for politicians, political organisations, activist groups and the general public; to explore these psychotherapeutic-derived perspectives in policy formation , how useful and effective it can be in new ways of thinking about political processes and in the resolution of political conflicts. Because it is difficult to think therapeutically about politics, it is difficult for mainstream politicians, such as the senators of the Democratic Party in the United States or the party committee of the British Labour Party, to take these insights seriously. As for "alternative" politicians or organizations, the difficulties are no less. But that's not a problem at all. What I experienced, witnessed, and discovered in those workshops and consultations provided the empirical basis for the arguments in The Politics of the Clinic Chair.

The activities discussed in this book, I have also experienced and actively participated in the process of participating in the establishment of three organizations. The "Psychotherapists and Counsellors for Social Responsibility" organization wants to help therapists and counselors how to use their knowledge and experience to enter social and political affairs professionally. The second group is Antidote, a psychotherapy-based think tank. This think tank works in a variety of fields and seeks connections beyond those in the field of psychotherapy. Antidote has now embarked on a study of psychological attitudes in money and economic affairs, and is engaged in an attempt to apply emotional literacy to politics.

The third group was St James's Alliance (no longer in existence). Headquartered in central London, the church has members from a variety of fields, including political science, economics, ethics, religion, NGOs, the media, and the psychotherapy community. The organisation seeks to integrate ethical, spiritual and psychological concerns into UK political issues and promote dialogue between NGOs, single issue groups, and social movement groups. It is an experiment in combining and harnessing political energies that have often been divided and wasted in the past.

I hope this is clear enough. I think a lot of the concept and practice of psychotherapy needs to change if psychotherapists want to gain more attention from the political guys. Psychotherapists also need some reform if they are to contribute to public life and try to have their views heard.

The first two chapters of this book are in the same unit, and they begin by proposing the value of a psychotherapeutic approach to political activism, while also explaining the main principles of transformative politics. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 use concepts of gender, sexuality, and the "internal family" to plan and advocate for new attitudes toward the political process, and to explore the origins of political change. Chapters 6 and 7 discuss "good-enoughness" in politics, first in relation to leadership, and second in relation to patriarchy. The next five chapters focus on political themes: the politics of spirituality, the economics, how to apply the value and practice of psychotherapy to political ends, to citizen-state relations, and to national psychology. Finally, Chapter Thirteen emphasizes and extends the themes of the whole book.

Chapter 1 The Private Life of Politics

In many Western countries, politics is completely broken and chaotic: new ideas and new approaches are desperately needed in the face of this situation. Through this book I will make clear the claim that psychotherapy can contribute to the overall transformation of politics. As psychotherapists, they can work regardless of political corruption and continue to focus solely on personal transformation. Alternatively, they can also try to transform the concern for the individual into a concern for society and politics, thereby contributing to the revival of political dynamism.

Today's politicians make people feel deeply hopeless and disgusted. They lack character, have no imagination, and are nothing new. From the west to the east, the whole world is looking for a new political paradigm. Psychotherapy can contribute to this by opening a two-way communication between inner reality and the political world. While we as therapists try to understand the secret politics of the inner world of emotions, personal and family experiences, we must also try to uncover the secret psychology that is imposed on everything in the outer world, such as leadership, economics, environmental protection and nationalism, etc., and balance the two.

Therefore, these questions need to be answered first:

• How much joy can we bring from the vision provided by the current political reality, and the supposed vision of the future by several parties?

• Do we agree with the goals set by politicians?

• Can we do better? If the answer is correct, how can we change at the individual level and at the societal level?

• How can the political system change to regain the respect of alienated and marginalized groups or individuals, including a wide range of young people?

If we can convert these unthought-out, but intuitive political concepts and commitments in front of us, we can strive to be more accurate and sharp. Political action is more effective when people have the will to step in; their desire to do so increases. There are buried sources of political wisdom within everyone; we see this political wisdom in everyone's personal responses to what's going on in the political world. However, such a personal response is clearly not going to go out, and thus remains private. This book proposes methods for transforming, through the private reframing, of things that are often considered extremely private, such as childhood experiences, intimacy, fantasies (including sexual fantasies), dreams, and bodily sensations. A useful, transformative political instrument.

Both our inner world and our private lives suffer from policy decisions and pre-existing political culture. And yet, why aren't psychotherapists involved as experts on the various relevant committees that formulate policy? This is not a call for a committee of psychotherapists! But just as a committee usually has a statistician in attendance, although his role may not be entirely welcomed by the other members, so too should these conference tables be reserved for therapists. One would expect therapists to provide input on these social issues involving relationships. Conversely, the media often delve into whether and how men can be carers of others, as well as the extent to which women and men can be politically aligned. And, unexpectedly, traditional aspects of political life (economic status, leadership, nationalism) are increasingly being examined from a psychotherapeutic perspective. These phenomena are discussed one by one in the discussion of this book.

The popularity of new terms such as "emotional intelligence" or "emotional literacy" in our society over the years is actually due to our inherent need to improve our self-awareness. However, the popularity of these new words is not limited to private life. Modern society has thrown us into a state of uncertainty, and our senses have lost track of what to follow, and slipped into a situation of depression and helplessness. If the concept of emotional literacy can be extended to the public sphere, our civic consciousness can be based on personal feelings and experiences, willing to engage in political activities, and feel safe knowing that we are in agreement with each other of.

Another potentially important contribution of psychotherapeutic perspectives to political life is to help people face the inevitable disappointment. This is one of the most valuable achievements of psychotherapy, and what is experienced through hard work in the process of psychotherapy is that people realize that they have enough power to break through the obstacles that teach us despair, and it is worth continuing to struggle. .

Many people working in the psychology profession often find politics disgusting, humiliating, and degrading to be involved. And professional psychotherapists are usually too busy to take into account politics because of the heavy clinical work. Similarly, many politicians, whether they are supporters of mainstream political parties or social movements, often disdain to engage in self-introspection and psychological reflection, believing that it is just a waste of time. We have to rethink this habitual dichotomy, putting political life on one side and the creativity of personal life on the other; yet are the two really unrelated? Is it possible to actively engage in politics and exert influence without compromising self-esteem? Failure to do so can be costly. Without any response to the political crisis, we completely lose any opportunity to speak in political life. As such, it will be left to the media to deal with it. And we know that the use of psychology in the media tends to describe symptoms rather than suggest possible cures.

The media's star columnists and self-proclaimed experts rhetorically play off psychological terms when discussing the behavior of politicians. But most of them are just a bit of a pseudo-psychoanalytic approach, discussing the "personality" of our political leaders, trying to explain why they are the way they are: Was US President Bill Clinton in an over-eagerness to please everyone because of an alcoholic stepfather? British Prime Minister Churchill was not loved by his beautiful mother since he was a child, and he is too aware of his father's failure, so he is eager to win the applause of the public? It's all pointless rhetoric, like the simplistic boasting of "morality" and "vision" by today's politicians. Just as we can no longer expect political leaders, we should not rely on the media to provide insight into the political journey. Instead, we should start returning to ourselves.

Puzzle games like these that speculate on the psychological motives of today's politicians are always fascinating. However, what is really meaningful is to conduct such a discussion: if citizens can start to activate their political self-awareness and find each person's "inner politician" (inner politician). If so, what would be the impact on the political system? If we could, we would have an entirely different basis for questioning the motives of politicians.

They are fragile, they are strong

Western men today have ironically been the subject of political and psychological scrutiny, and are often seen as "the problem." This is ironic because for thousands of years men have looked at and problematized other groups, such as women, children, black people, the flora and fauna of the natural world. Men are like standing on the Pope's terrace and looking around at the universe from there. In our time, however, there has been a dramatic shift in cultural awareness and new questions about men have begun to arise: men as (lost) fathers, men as (violent) criminals, men as (alienated) citizens.

It appears that three more fundamental questions are as follows: Will men change? Are men strong and powerful? Do men hate women? Today's men and women may answer these three questions in this way: "Yes, and no."

Do men change? Of course, men can change; however, the statistics of men involved in childcare or laundry work show that their behavior does not change much. Why not change? In the past few years, too much time has been spent discussing an unsolved question in terms of philosophy, metaphysics or quasi-science, namely, the relative importance of nature and upbringing in the formation and practice of gender identity. Examining the constraints on male change is politically meaningful. The immutability of men is not due to biological reasons that are assumed to be innate, but psychological factors; in psychological language, it is "internalization", which means that men see outside The masculinity projected in the world, absorbed as part of one's inner world. This is a psychological process, not biological "hereditary".

Are men strong and powerful? They certainly have economic power. But black men, homeless people, prisoners, young men, forced or deceived enlisted people, people with disabilities, gay people, these are all vulnerable groups. It is indeed difficult to compare the economically powerful men with the economically vulnerable men. We also know that men are afraid of women. Not to mention their fear of "femininity", they are afraid of women alone. How can a man be said to have power if he is afraid of women? And, you know, men are afraid of other men too. If we think about the question of male power, all the answers already depend on everything that is internalized, that is, the individual's past experience and present situation are the determining factors.

Do men hate women? Here, the word "ambivalence" comes to mind. Since we'll focus on this concept later, let's start with its history. In 1910, Jung's mentor Eugene. Brewer coined the term "ambivalence," which at the time was considered a very serious symptom of schizophrenia. By the 1930s and 1940s, according to psychoanalysis, ambivalence was instead seen as a sign of psychological maturity. Ambivalence is the ability to both hate and love a person at the same time. So this is not just a problem, but an extremely rare psychological and social maturity. When we talk about the creation of a political tentative agreement and alliance based on ambivalent feelings between men and women, we are referring to some serious, unattainable and valuable part, not Cheesy and short-sighted thinking.

Celebrating gender confusion

People who are overly obsessed with their own gender identity and gender roles are now being shunned. Just think about how capable, energetic, and extraordinary people in the political world are those political giants. How do we know that he is a crybaby in private and needs others to give him a sense of security, and he may rely on women? A woman who appears to be very maternal, but is privately very eager to express herself in a completely unmaternal way, to gain another form of strength to resist the cultural "castration" she has encountered?

We have come to believe that such gender confusion lurks behind excessive gender certainty. Many people who are skeptical about gender determination also believe that a person's gender is basically a good thing. At the moment, however, an entirely different concept may be needed, making sense of the chaotic and mysterious gender relations and gender politics of the early twenty-first century. Many people who come to therapy have apparent confusion about gender identity. They know how a man or woman should behave; however, with what they know about their inner life, they cannot be sure whether a real man or woman can experience the feelings and fantasies they are experiencing.

In the profound sense of such gender confusion there must be an equally profound gender determination (formed by the imagery presented by society). If you can't find some sure sign from your client's assessment, you won't know the messy details. When the client showed the crying inner boy, he also knew that he was a "real" "manly" tycoon on the outside, so he had a negative evaluation of himself. We can even say: without gender determination, there is no gender confusion. This means that people generally construct their gender confusion in terms of gender determination. If gender determination is the result of everyday socialization, then gender confusion is likewise constructed, rather than deep personal trauma or failure.

Therefore, we need to radically extend the current view that gender confusion is hidden behind gender determination: gender determination hides behind gender confusion. Gender confusion, often seen as a mental problem or neurosis, is not only a diabolical mistake, it is a deception that destroys those who are suffering because of it. In fact, the problem is with gender determination.

We can see how this affects men in Western societies. It has been argued that many men living in feminist-influenced cultures are confused about their masculinity; once we let go of our desire for gender determination, this stereotype takes on something else: modern men are not So confused, at least that confusion is no longer their main problem. Their problem is being haunted by gender identification; gender identification has no emotional use in their lives, but it does harm to their potential.

The really interesting question is how to deal with today's painful gender confusion. It might be better if we replaced the word "chaos" with more positive-sounding words like "fluidity," "flexibility," or even "hermaphroditism." But the word "chaos" has its merits, because it captures a more authentic contemporary sense of gender identity.

In fact, gender confusion can contribute to political and social reform. Many men want to make a progressive contribution to gender politics, and thus (as a man) to the expanded political sphere. They do not need to reject their masculinity, nor do they need to falsely deny that there are indeed different political agendas between the sexes in their socio-political alliance with women. Perhaps the first thing these men should celebrate is that we finally don't quite know what our gender is or what we should know.

The two beggars switch places, but the whip remains the same

Cheers to the revolution and more firing cannonballs!

Beggars on horseback whipped barefoot beggars.

Cheers to the revolution and the cannonballs again!

The two beggars changed positions, but the whips remained the same.

-W. b. Ye Ci, "The Great Day"

All those who want to reform the political system or political behavior should bear in mind the cautionary words in Ye Ci's "anti-political" verses. How can we be sure that the reforms we are advocating will not become mere whiplashes from one hand to the other?

Transitional politics requires citizens to see themselves as political creatures, to tell themselves and others the political myths they have gradually built up, and to ask themselves what kind of citizens and what kind of people they are. Although exploring one's own past history is indeed possible and helpful to gain a deeper understanding of one's own political character, there is one dimension (I call it political type) that remains inexplicable. It's about fate, temperament, natural character—a private political mystery.

Why do people approach politics and view the material world so differently? Why does society sometimes become a battlefield because of disagreements over the very concept of "society" itself? What is the purpose or goal of the long debate of mankind? Is it true that social aggression, as in personal relationships or marriages, actually expects deeper contact behind it? Citizens who want to embrace transitional politics cannot escape these confusions. If it does, transition politics will pay off, and believing that the over-the-top, withdrawn, dreamy, oppressed citizens do have the political wisdom to reap the rewards.

What happens when we say we need a good enough army, a good enough economy, a good enough education system? Once the concept of "good enough is good enough" is used, the desire for perfection is reduced, the paralysis of intense disappointment is relieved, and there is more freedom to complain and act. Likewise, being on the most negative end of the spectrum can prevent us from falling into complete despair and contempt for everything. When our sense of powerlessness is reduced, we are less likely to cede autonomy to others and more likely to make a difference.

Ambivalence, the psychoanalytic concept that describes all aspects of development in modern society, also helps to understand these aspects: the relationship between the sexes, siblings, parent-child relationships; perceptions of unequal wealth creation and distribution; perceptions of homosexuality. attitude. Ambiguity travels between love and hate, allowing both to coexist without forcing people to go to extremes by trying to deny one or the other. (Jung once said, “In all fanaticism lies doubt.”) Embracing the inevitable ambivalence makes us happy to place enthusiasm in political discourse, rather than fear that it will take over.

Finally, in this homage to psychotherapy, we come to the unconscious or the mind itself: this is the source of the problems we face, and the foundation of our ability to deal with them in innovative, constructive ways. Radical and conservative in spirit, it is both kind-hearted but not well-meaning, and it is both creation and destruction. Nothing reveals the human experience of paradox more than the workings of the mind. The mind may be made up of ambivalence, or be overshadowed by it, but it is still a good enough mind.

However, this string of psychotherapeutic reflections must not be used as a substitute for real politics—and therefore I do not call this chapter summary a manifesto. Real politics must see the psychotherapeutic point of view as a very important point, if not an indispensable addition; it must also draw on progressive and Imaginative point of view.

Bearing in mind the limitations of the psychotherapeutic approach allows us to recognize its potential and open up a political two-way-street. I coined the term two-way street of politics, referring to the simultaneous exploration of the private psychological life of politics, and the secret politics of psychological life. At times any psychotherapist may fall into the belief that psychology triumphs when commenting on politics, and this should be resisted; but there is a worse political orientation than this, which is to see politics as Subjective experience is irrelevant, so people's experience in the world is also denied.

Citizen's position

In transitional politics, many new relationships between the leader and the led emerge, including the dismantling of the structures that divide the two parties (ie, sibling politics). Good enough leaders will be deeply connected to failure, they will study the reasons why they did not, or can not achieve their ideals, and discuss the results of their research with all citizens. Everyone starts talking about failure and how to deal with disappointment. When citizens consider themselves "citizens as healers," the burden of responsibility will be shared.

As healers of the world, citizens have a position to debate whether the state, as it is commonly said, contains all things within, like a mother's vessel. Rethinking the relationship between "one" and "many", let us see that sometimes the state is just "one" between "many" ones. The state's desire to unify and manage diversity, and to create order with law (this is what the state's judicial father looks like), can also be further analyzed and debated.

Many people who do not belong to the political field hope to indirectly contribute to society through their profession. We can think of many artists, writers, scientists, doctors, businessmen, craftsmen and religious figures. Freud is also included. People are driven by an inner sense of duty, or driven to politics by conscience, personal experience. All of us are driven by a political drive, so we can no longer choose to withdraw or ignore it, as we do with sex and aggression. In order to enrich our daily work and home life, we need to be able to make a commitment that goes beyond the demands of work and intimacy—a commitment to working hard to meet the needs and wants of strangers.

Every political contributor or potential contributor needs to develop a spatial view of the environment in which the politics they believe will be implemented. This is usually in a safe and contented environment, not a place that is closed and inhibits innovation and action. In psychoanalytic vocabulary, such a space is called a "facilitating environment." Early in life, a facilitating environment is provided by humans, that is, by parents or early caregivers. But even for small babies, the environment that fosters growth is not determined by just those present. This environment has its peculiar atmosphere and form, its underlying or overt principles, social systems, and imagery of visual, auditory, and sensory perceptions, all of which are integral to this "environment."

The growth-promoting environment of transitional politics also needs to be composed of human and non-human elements, some that can be measured rationally and emotionally, some not. The main value in this type of environment is respect for others, but also firm self-respect and compassion for failure.

There have been many attempts to continually improve the growth-enhancing environment for politics, often through redistribution of wealth and changes to legislative and constitutional structures. Such a program is necessary and valuable, and will bring about a psychological transformation. If the base salary is set effectively and fairly, or the right to local self-government is given, the impact of these will be reflected in the data of the National Sentiment Audit Department. But if we only rely solely on materialist methods of economic development, or rely only on ways of changing the structure of the state, we cannot change the accessible part of individual citizens or certain psychological perspectives of the masses.

Our disillusionment with the inability of liberal democracy to achieve its purpose, our greater awareness of economic redistribution, and the constraints on changing constitutional structures, all reinforce this book's thesis that something is missing from modern politics, that its all-important secret life has been denied. We can change clothes and alternate combinations all the time, but what haunts materialists and constitutional reformers in the political world is that they are only scratching the surface, not (just because they can’t) activate the political soul Desire for transformation.

I am well aware that the in-depth views I am advocating here may never be usable in our political culture. Everything I said, perhaps in the end, could not bring about any change in the state of the world. So let me conclude by quoting a few words from Samuel Beckett. Beckett lives and works in the same way as all those who cannot move on but have to persevere: "It doesn't matter, try again, fail again, fail more beautifully."