I support the 318 student movement, but why don’t I support the social movement that will fight against the so-called “abuse of power by Congress” 10 years later?

周子愉 Fausto Chou
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IPFS
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Ten years ago, I supported the March 18th Student Movement and opposed the Kuomintang’s forced passage of the Cross-Strait Services Trade Agreement. Now I oppose the protests against the parliamentary reforms proposed by the Kuomintang and the Popular Party, because the objects of this protest are different, and the reform proposals also have their rationality. The DPP government has continuously avoided congressional oversight in the past, leading to public support for reforms. Today's protests lack substantive discussion and are merely emotional actions. I question the selective protests of social movement groups on issues related to the DPP government, and call on the DPP not to follow the Communist Party in mobilizing the masses to overthrow the democratically elected parliamentary system.

As someone who 10 years ago ignored the school’s objections, I listened to the radio with my classmates in the classroom, and went with my classmates outside the Legislative Yuan on the evening of March 21 to support the 318 student movement. Today, 10 years later, when I appeared again outside the Legislative Yuan, "Congress has abused its powers, democracy has regressed, citizens have been rescued, and the Legislature has gathered." When the protests surrounded the Congress, why did I stand against it?

  1. The March 18 student movement 10 years ago was against the Kuomintang, which was fully in power, and attempted to force the passage of the Cross-Strait Services Trade Agreement that affected the work rights and interests of the Taiwanese people. Ten years later, the social movement protesting against "abuse of power by the Congress" was protesting against the KMT and the People's Party, which were in opposition and each did not have a separate majority in the Legislative Yuan. The versions of congressional reform proposed by the DPP in 2012 and 2016 included The right of hearing, the power of congressional investigation, the President's State of the Union address report, the crime of contempt of Congress, etc., coupled with provisions prohibiting officials from counter-questioning, etc., were enacted into legislation. This time it is the DPP itself that is opposed. There is obviously a huge difference in nature.

  2. If you ask me, are there any flaws in the version proposed by the Kuomintang and the Popular Party? I would answer, of course. For example, I disagree with some versions. For example, when the president went to the Legislative Yuan to deliver a State of the Union address, the question-and-answer session with legislators was a question-and-answer session. The first is that international heads of state go to the National Assembly to report. There is no such practice. Even if Lee Teng-hui's report to the National Assembly is adopted in the past, the answer will be unified. However, why did Blue and White propose such a plan? Because in Taiwan, the executive president (chief of the cabinet) can be appointed without the approval of Congress. Lee Teng-hui formally used such a constitutional amendment to allow hard-line military factions within the Kuomintang, such as Hao Baicun, to rise up and down secretly, allowing the military to withdraw. Intervention in politics, but this system has not changed as the military withdraws from politics. From Chen Shui-bian, Ma Ying-jeou to Tsai Ing-wen, everyone likes this kind of appointment power. This is very different from the normal democratic dual-chief system and other countries. A deformed system in which there is power but no responsibility, and the executive president takes the blame. That’s why Blue and White proposed the President’s State of the Union address model of quick questions and answers. But in the negotiations between the government and the opposition, you will see that the third party leader of the Democratic Progressive Party has no intention to discuss parliamentary reform at all. Looking at the version they proposed, it is almost "maintaining the status quo", which is why Blue and White are no longer willing. Negotiate with the DPP and vote directly.

  3. As the ruling party, it is no longer a matter of a day or two for the Democratic Progressive Party to make the opposition distrustful. In the past, when the Legislative Yuan reviewed the forward-looking infrastructure bill proposed by the Democratic Progressive Party government, when the draft was read out and reviewed item by item, the opposition parties kept shouting "There are objections! There are objections!" However, the bill was passed one by one, and in the end the people The Party convening committee announced, "The preliminary review has been completed! The above-mentioned items were unanimously approved by the committee!" Where is the room for discussion?

  4. Since 2019, the Democratic Progressive Party has often labeled opposition parties as agents of the Chinese Communist Party in Taiwan. Including this time, Ke Jianming, the chief convener of the Legislative Yuan of the Democratic Progressive Party, accused Lanbai without any evidence of "whether it has received instructions from the CCP to complete the task within a time limit. The fortress is very strong and starts with internal destruction." Social activist groups and Democratic Progressive Party legislators protesting outside the venue even shouted "Today's Hong Kong, tomorrow's Taiwan" and "The National People's Congress" to label the opposition parties as passers-by of the Communist Party of China. This requires a thorough discussion of the censorship provisions. Attitude?

  5. The Tsai Ing-wen administration faces many undisclosed so-called "secrets" during its second term, which have aroused people's doubts about whether there are any shortcomings, including the sealing of the president's official documents on his political promotion, the sealing of information on the purchase of high-end vaccines, and whether there are any violations in emergency policies for epidemic prevention. , The Ministry of Foreign Affairs spends a large amount of its budget on countries that are not diplomatic allies with it. The ruling party fails to explain properly, often citing national security as a secret, evading congressional review, and even abusing special budgets to increase national debt. Because Congress does not have the power to investigate, Blue and White’s push for congressional reform gained majority public support. According to the TPOC Taiwan Issues Research Center's quick analysis of public opinion database through QuickseeK, the opinions of netizens showed that about 65% expressed support for the Kuomintang and the People's Party, supported the congressional reform bill, and criticized the Democratic Progressive Party. Only about 25% of the people in the white camp are in the white camp, and about 10% of netizens cannot stand the chaos caused by the Legislative Yuan.

Finally, I would also like to ask these social movement groups the following questions:

  1. I would like to ask the Taiwan Association for the Promotion of Human Rights, when the Democratic Progressive Party government over-prevented the epidemic and abused personal health insurance information, why did you only issue a press release to express your protest instead of taking to the streets to protest?

  2. I would like to ask the pro-independence groups such as Taiwan News Agency, Taiwan North News Agency, and Taiwan Professors Association, when the DPP violated the party platform, failed to fulfill its promises, promoted a constitutional referendum and continued to maintain the system of the Republic of China during these eight years of full power, you Why not surround the DPP headquarters in protest?

  3. I would like to ask the Taiwan-Hong Kong Democracy Concern Group and the Tibet-Taiwan Human Rights Connection: What is the relationship between this protest and the Hong Kong and Tibetan issues?

The Democratic Progressive Party is advised not to follow the Communist Party's example and launch a mass movement in an attempt to overthrow the democratically elected parliamentary system after it cannot win a democratic vote and cannot afford to lose.

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周子愉 Fausto Chou現為政經傳媒製作人兼記者,過去曾在民視、東森電視擔任記者,以及在台灣英文新聞擔任特約記者。
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