Controversy over Hong Kong's youth "lying flat": Hong Kong need more equality and vitality

   On July 17, the Lianhe Zaobao published an article by Hong Kong-based reporter Tai Hing Shing, entitled "Why Hong Kong Young People Are Lying Flat". In the article, reporter Tai said that in the face of high property prices, many young people in Hong Kong have given up their intention to buy a home and become homeowners, and are scrambling to apply for "public housing". Other Hong Kong and foreign media have also reported on it. In response to this phenomenon, the Chief Executive, Mr. K.C. Lee, hoped that young people would not "waste their potential for a public housing unit" and would "do their best to pursue their dreams". Some other Hong Kong government officials have also spoken, hoping that young people will be enterprising and will not "lie flat".

    Obviously, the "lying flat" of Hong Kong young people has become a common and major social problem affecting the development of Hong Kong. This has aroused the concern of Hong Kong government officials and the media. However, in the face of this problem, Hong Kong government officials have more often emphasized that young people in Hong Kong "do not work hard" and "set their own limitations", while avoiding the real reasons why Hong Kong young people "lie flat".

   Since the opening of the port in 1841, this tiny piece of land, Hong Kong, has been developing continuously from a small fishing village with no history in the history books to the world-famous "Pearl of the Orient", which has become one of the most important and prosperous economic centers and business hubs in the Asia-Pacific Region. The prosperity and splendor of Hong Kong were once the envy of East and Southeast Asia. The people of Hong Kong are also proud of their identity as Hong Kong people.

    However, what the world has overlooked is that behind the long-term prosperity of Hong Kong for more than a century is the infringement and disregard of the rights of industrial workers, grass-roots service providers, and various disadvantaged and marginalized groups by the jungle capitalist model of Hong Kong; the disparity between the rich and the poor caused by the deformed industrial structure; the high property prices and the difficulty in securing a home in a small but densely-populated geographical environment; and the various social problems and hardship of the people's livelihood derived from these malpractices.

   The prosperity of Hong Kong stems to a large extent from the highly economic liberal system of Hong Kong, that is, the laissez-faire, low-tax, low-welfare and pro-business and pro-capital system, laws and policies. Such a system was very conducive to the circulation of financial capital and the facilitation of trade, and the high degree of freedom and profitability allowed investors from all over the world to swarm in with their capital, greatly stimulating economic vitality.

   "The liberal economic model has contributed to the prosperity of Hong Kong, making the upper class very rich and some of the middle class the envy of the world. However, at the same time, the majority of the lower and middle classes in Hong Kong are living in poverty. The industrial structure of Hong Kong favors finance and commerce, as well as other high-end technology industries and management and service industries, which has made a small group of elites rich and wealthy, while the majority of the people can only engage in "low-end" industries that are no different from those in other regions and countries, and they cannot earn the same income as that of the executives of high-end industries.

   Although the lower and middle classes of Hong Kong people are still considered wealthy relative to the commoners of most countries in the world. However, the people in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories can be described as extremely poor compared to the rich. The prosperity of Hong Kong has also brought about high property prices and high prices of goods, and the high cost of living has offset the "dividends" that the middle and lower classes have gained from the prosperity of Hong Kong.

   As for achieving a leap in class and buying a home by personal struggle, this is not an easy task. During the several periods when the Hong Kong economy was on a rapid upswing, such as the end of the 19th century and the post-World War II period up to the 1990s, there were still a lot of opportunities. However, with the saturation of upper-class positions and the solidification of classes, it has become increasingly difficult for Hong Kong people in the lower and middle classes to move up the social ladder through personal struggles. The high property prices have made many Hong Kong people sigh in despair, and even if they can afford to buy a flat, they have to use up their savings and take out a mortgage. Moreover, in the "involution", even if we all work very hard, it will only make it more difficult to jump up the hierarchy, the prices of housing and goods will increase, the more you struggle, the more difficult it is, and there will always be losers in the zero-sum competition.

   Compared to Western countries such as Europe, America, Canada and Australia, the protection of labor rights and material welfare in Hong Kong are relatively poor, and we have the economic level of the West but not the degree of human rights protection of the West. In addition, Hong Kong is located in the subtropical zone and is only a small place, so the hot climate and cramped living space have intensified the sense of oppression and suffering of the lower and middle class Hong Kong people. When I traveled to Hong Kong many years ago, I saw Hong Kong elderly people living in hot and simple "caged homes", who could not even turn on the air-conditioning, leading a miserable life.

    As a result, over the past century or so, although Hong Kong has continued to develop and become more and more prosperous, class divisions and social conflicts have also been quite violent, and Hong Kong has become the birthplace of many revolutions and social movements. From the national democratic revolution against the Qing Dynasty at the end of the Qing Dynasty, to the anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist and anti-warlord workers' movement "Hong Kong and Provincial Strike" in the 1920s, to the series of turmoil in the 1960s typified by the "June 7 Riots", they were all manifestations of the aggravation of Hong Kong's social contradictions and their spillover. After the handover of Hong Kong, the Chinese Government did not make any effort to protect the rights of workers.

    After the handover of Hong Kong, the Chinese government did not implement the left-wing pro-labor and pro-lower class socialist policies in the HKSAR, but on the contrary, retained and even strengthened the Anglo-Colonial era's business-oriented and pro-capitalist model, whereby the rights of the laborers and other commoner classes and disadvantaged groups were neglected, while the Anglo-Colonial era's Hong Kong government bureaucrats and capitalists were given preferential treatment and fostered. As a result, problems such as the wide gap between the rich and the poor, inadequate protection for workers and the disadvantaged, and high property prices and prices in Hong Kong have not only remained unresolved, but are also deteriorating. The Chinese Government believes that economic development can ease social conflicts and solve various livelihood problems by "making the cake bigger".

   However, the reality is that "one does not suffer from scarcity, but from inequality; one does not suffer from poverty, but from insecurity", and the continuation of inequality leads to the continuation of discontent. Although many of the social upheavals and incidents after the reunification, including the "Occupy Central" and the "anti-amendment campaign" a few years ago, had a lot of political elements, the enormous pressure of survival on the people of Hong Kong, especially the young people, and their discontent with the unfairness in distribution, as well as the hostility that had accumulated as a result of such pressure and discontent, were undoubtedly the major reasons for the outbreak of the upheavals. Undoubtedly, this is an important reason for the outbreak of unrest. The long-standing xenophobic mentality in Hong Kong and a number of xenophobic waves are also related to the fact that the lower and middle classes in Hong Kong are living in dire straits and are worried about outsiders encroaching on their limited resources.

    In recent years, especially in the last few years, the social environment in Hong Kong has become more and more repressive, and people's expression is restricted, and even if they express their opinions, it is difficult to influence the policies of the Hong Kong government. Therefore, Hong Kong people are dissatisfied with the reality, but they dare not and do not want to express their discontent. These pressures and grievances have accumulated a hostile atmosphere, which in turn makes Hong Kong people feel even more frustrated and depressed. As a result, "lying down" has become a last resort and an inevitable choice. In terms of the motivation for "lying down", Hong Kong young people share similar reasons and common helplessness with many young people in mainland China who have also been "lying down" in recent years.

   Therefore, the fact that young people in Hong Kong generally choose to "lie down" is not due to their own lack of effort, but rather to the fact that the high degree of inequality in society and the excessive pressure of survival have made struggling difficult and useless. The increasingly oppressive environment and the shrinking room for public opinion also make it difficult for them to express their grievances, so they simply stop struggling and get by.

   If the Hong Kong Government and people with insight from all walks of life really hope that the young people of Hong Kong will not continue to "lie flat", they should gradually change the institutional and social environment of Hong Kong, so as to create an atmosphere conducive to the active participation of Hong Kong people in economic and social construction.

   How to change is a very complicated design and practice project. In short, the first is to change the system and policies that are too business-oriented and pro-capital, with low social welfare and high property prices, and to truly put into practice the "superiority of socialism" by raising the level of welfare protection for the general public, improving the working conditions of the middle and lower classes, and focusing resources on solving key livelihood problems such as high property prices. On how to solve the housing problem, Hong Kong should learn from Singapore, another city which is also cramped and densely populated.

   Although this will arouse the worries of the industrial, commercial, financial and real estate elites and the obstruction of various vested interest groups, the reform must still be carried out. Hong Kong people are the Hong Kong of every Hong Kong person, not the Hong Kong of the hegemony of the powerful elites. The well-being of the general public is what the Hong Kong Government needs to consider most. The stimulation of social vitality by inequality and differentiation is superficial and unsustainable, and it will also bring about a variety of associated ills and damage to civil rights. The establishment of a relatively equal community with a small income disparity, in which everyone can contribute to the country and the city according to their own strengths and interests without worrying too much about their livelihoods, will only be conducive to social harmony and long-lasting vitality.

   Secondly, we should deregulate and tolerate pluralistic voices in such areas as education, the press and public opinion, society and culture, and encourage the common people and the disadvantaged groups to make their voices heard and express their aspirations. "The silence of a thousand people is not as good as the silence of a single scholar. With room for people to express themselves, the government will be able to understand what the people think and want, and with more vitality in society, people will not be able to escape and "lie down". Even if there is still a need for political control, there is no need for the Government to worry too much about the orderly liberalization of non-political social and cultural aspects.

    Although these reforms, if put into practice, will inevitably meet with much resistance and difficulties, and even if partially implemented may not be able to quickly change the reality of Hong Kong, they can still give hope to the people of Hong Kong, especially the young people. The present dreariness of Hong Kong and the fact that Hong Kong people are "lying down" is due to the lack of hope. With hope, people will move, vitality will be restored, and those who were "lying flat" will no longer be willing to be lonely.

     For the Central Government of China and the HKSAR Government, which wield enormous power and resources, it is not difficult for them to initiate reforms, promote equality and stimulate vitality. The key is not whether they can or cannot, but whether they are willing to do so.

   As the "Pearl of the Orient", Hong Kong has been a bridge between China and the world for a hundred years, and has played an important role in China's development and prosperity, to which both the mainlanders and the people of Hong Kong are proud. People who have the power to decide the future and destiny of Hong Kong should not just sit back and watch the bright pearl dimming day by day. They should recall the heartfelt praises and ardent expectations of Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and other leaders of the past for Hong Kong, and do their part in providing Hong Kong's young people with a favorable environment for their development, so as to make the City of Hope at the southern edge of the Chinese mainland revitalized and vibrant again.