690 The Panda's Claws: How China Infiltrated, Influenced and Intimidated Canada

Beast Press: Today, I will write the first article "689 Silent Invasion: The Chinese Factor in Australia" . I came to the website to find information on the blog, and it is related to another book about red infiltration "The Sharp Claw of the Giant Panda: How China Infiltrated, Affecting and Threatening Canada" , so I decided to continue promoting this book tonight.

brief introduction

The choice we face is not whether to engage with China.

China will of course continue to engage with us, but on their terms.

So we have to decide how we should behave in this relationship.

——David Mulroney, former Canadian representative to Taiwan and former ambassador to China

The Muzha Zoo is always crowded on weekends and holidays, and the first must-see is undoubtedly the giant pandas (known as giant pandas in mainland China): Tuantuan, Yuanyuan, and the crystal of their love, Xiao Yuanzai. The fluffy five-short body, sleepless eyes, dull expressions, clumsy movements, and a good appetite that does not get tired of eating bamboo, not only have a large number of fans all over the world, but also become the origin of China to expand soft power. tool. However, giant pandas are not vegetarians. It belongs to the order Carnivora in terms of taxonomy. Its ancestors are meat-eating. It has sharp claws and powerful teeth. Wild giant pandas have also been witnessed slaughtering herbivores and eating them.

"The Panda's Claw" is not a scientific work that discusses animal habits. The author Wen Dafeng took this as the title of the book, intending to describe the rising China through the tame and lovely giant panda. Under the seemingly peaceful and harmless appearance, there are hidden dangers that may harm trade fairness, disrupt social order, and even subvert the democratic system. Conspiracy.

This book begins with the 150-year relationship between Canada and China. Unlike European countries who imposed Western imperialist aggression and occupation on China in the 19th century, and different from the United States in the 20th century when China was regarded as a part of the communist camp and besieged, the relationship between Canada and China originated from Canada. Missionaries saw China as a land of suffering that needed to be saved by Christianity. Missionaries came to China to build hospitals, build schools, take root, and even support the revolution of the Chinese Communist Party. After the success of the communist revolution, the descendants of these missionaries either stayed in China to become defenders of the new China, or returned to Canada to become the most pro-China force in the foreign policy-making circle.

With the evolution of the current situation, in the 21st century, China is no longer the country that was bullied in the past. Instead, it has become a power that constantly uses hard power to intimidate, soft power to penetrate, and sharp power to coerce other countries. But Canadian leaders still misjudged reality and miscalculated the relationship between the two sides; at the same time, the Chinese Communist Party and its local collaborators continued to profit from the ignorance of Canadians. In this book, the author points out with detailed empirical evidence that when faced with the actions of the Chinese Communist Party to infiltrate and influence Canadian politics, academia, the media, and to control the Chinese Canadians, the Ottawa administration was not only unable to identify them, but also lacked measures to deal with them.

Many Canadians believe that as long as they have more contact with the CCP, the party will feel the beauty of Canadian values. Once party members saw that liberal democracy brought freedom and human rights, they couldn't wait to push China on the road to reform. But that's not the case, they don't take Canada's value seriously at all. So the author clearly appeals to Canadians: it is time to give up the missionary spirit!

Celebrity Recommendation

Li Xueli (Editor-in-Chief of The Reporter)

About the Author

Jonathan Manthorpe

Canadian journalist with more than 40 years of experience, served as European Director of the Toronto Star in the late 1970s, Southam in the mid-1980s, posted in Europe, Africa in 1989, Hong Kong in 1993, and later Vancouver, writes an international affairs column for The Post Media. He is now a freelance writer. His works have been published in iPolitics, Facts and Opinions, The Star, Asia Times, etc. He is the author of "Taboo Country: The History of Taiwan" (Wang Chunfeng Publishing).

Translator Profile

Wang Xiangwei

Graduated from the Department of Psychology at National Taiwan University and studied in Canada. After returning to the country, he worked in a publishing house and is now a special editor, translating "Psychiatric Pandemic" (co-translation).

Table of contents

Recommendation sequence Why did Canada walk out of the dream of "friendship"? ——Li Xueli (Editor-in-Chief of The Reporter)

Introduction to the Return of the Middle Kingdom

Chapter 1 Against the Five Poisons

Chapter 2 Hundreds of Strategies to Defeat the Enemy

Chapter 3 Chinese Build Canada, Canadians Save China

Chapter 4 Popular foreigners, unwelcome foreigners

Chapter 5 Friends in America's Backyard

Chapter 6 When Romance Meets Reality

Chapter 7 Reality will bite

Chapter 8: A Venomous Snake Bite

Chapter 9 Control Messages

Chapter 10 Controlling Thoughts

Chapter Eleven: Mountains of Gold and Silver

Chapter 12 Forget about quality, feel the width

Chapter 13 Who pays is who has the final say

The conclusion is that it's time to give up the missionary spirit

Thanks

references

name comparison

introduction

Return of the Middle Kingdom

China does not see itself as a rising power, but a returning power... If China exerts influence in the economic, cultural, political, and military fields in the future, it will not regard it as an exceptional challenge to the world order - it will let everything return to normal. - Ji Xinji, "On China"

Much of this book explores how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), regardless of Canadian values, has interfered in Canada’s internal affairs, and at times even challenged the sovereignty of Canadians in their own country. However, the book does not advocate that Canada should stay away from the current Beijing regime. China under President Xi Jinping and the CCP believes that it has re-emerged as a natural and irreplaceable world power after two hundred years of "humiliation" at the hands of Western countries, and we cannot and should not avoid dealings with China. But the often unpleasant and incomprehensible experiences of Canada's 150-year relationship with China tell us that to deal with the new Middle Kingdom, we must take a different approach, with less self-deception and more courage and wisdom. If Canada does not reassess and correct its treatment of Beijing, our country may be completely overwhelmed by this new giant in history.

The plate of international power is changing, thankfully peacefully - so far. But as I write this in 2018, only two years ago, the future of the world looks very different. There was little sign at the time that the United States would be so mired in political dysfunction and isolationism after the November 2016 presidential election. And then Xi Jinping looked like he was going to follow the line of collective leadership—the one that China took after Mao Zedong's maiming, after the 1989 Tiananmen uprising and massacre. But at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in October 2017, Xi set the stage to extend his time in power beyond the convention of two ten years. Now his personal power has surpassed all previous leaders since Mao Zedong, maybe even Mao can't match him. At the same time, it is increasingly unlikely that Canada will continue to depend on the United States for its economy and security as it has for the past seven decades. Trump is a symptom that reflects the isolationism of many Americans who have always believed that American society is unique. But more importantly, perhaps, the growing political and social divisions in the United States have made political and administrative operations almost immobile, and Trump is the representative of one of these divisions. The devastating split between these two conflicting worldviews shows no sign of reconciliation anytime soon. This has not only resulted in the shrinking of US dominance, but when compared with the rise of other countries, especially China, it will show the decline of the US.

In the short term, Canada will not be able to rely on Washington as an ally in regional security or a reliable partner in investment and commerce. Not only that, but the end of Pax Americana represents the withdrawal of defenders of the values of liberty that have characterized the global dialogue, global organization since World War II, and the founding spirit of Canada. core. When China gradually opened up in the 1980s, Western countries assumed that once the CCP became a player on the global stage, it would incorporate the existing international liberal and democratic order into its value system. As a result, that didn't happen. China did not appear as a gentle and benevolent beast. Far from it. If our definition of fascism is that a country is ruled by a centralized authoritarian government led by a dictator, its economy and society are tightly controlled, and its opposition is strongly suppressed, then China exhibits all the characteristics of a fascist regime. While the term fascism is convenient and accurate, it is not quite appropriate. The associations evoked by fascism are too Eurocentric. The closest thing to Xi's China is another post-communist dictatorship, Russia, which some say is driven by "underworld capitalism." But the word doesn't reflect the truth either. Whatever the Chinese Communist Party does, it has Chinese characteristics. From the management of the economy and its model, to domestic administration, to attitudes towards neighbours and foreign countries - all of these are more drawn from the Chinese tradition than from the outside experience of the country after it ended its seclusion in the 1970s. The Communist Party in Beijing runs a modern version of a classical Chinese empire.

It is clear that the CCP's celestial ambitions include the implementation of a one-party dictatorship and the use of all tools to oppose political reform. The CCP’s political legitimacy derives from massive internal repression, which is complemented by the provision of a sufficient standard of living to keep the populace from dissent. This approach has worked quite well since the introduction of revised Marxist economic thought in the 1980s. The standard of living of hundreds of millions of Chinese has risen beyond their own imagination. But with that comes an expectation that this quality of life will continue to grow. This has its dangers for the CCP: if the party does not continue to feed the aspirations it has created, it will lose its "mandate of heaven" - the historical concept of "mandate of heaven" which refers to the fact that Chinese rulers can only rise to power when they are successful. The political legitimacy that genius would give them.

With its economic success, China's patriotism and nationalism naturally soared. The state-controlled media has continued to promote the theme of China riding the wave of national rejuvenation, even to the point of inciting xenophobia, such as by resorting to hostility to neighboring feuds such as Japan. The CCP will never miss any opportunity to fabricate warnings that Japan is still a militaristic country under the guise of democracy and peace.

In recent years, Beijing has also been brewing skepticism against the United States and Western countries, believing that these countries intend to limit China's rise and reintroduce the semi-colonialism of the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. One of the ways to end what the CCP calls "a century of humiliation" is to restore a sense of superiority over its neighbors. These countries were vassals in China's imperial era, and the CCP means they will be vassals again. In fact, several countries already are - Cambodia and Laos, for example. The claims promoted by this resurgent Chinese imperialism include the inclusion of Taiwan, the South China Sea and the East China Sea within its territorial boundaries. China's construction of military bases on islands in the South China Sea has made one of the most important international trade routes a lake in China. Many of the CCP's colonial actions were carried out in secret. Over the past two decades, about a million people in southwestern China's Yunnan province have crossed the border and moved to northern Myanmar to do business in Wa (Mandalay), and in and out of border towns with casinos. These fast-rising towns are located in unmanageable areas, but they are actually controlled by the military leaders of Myanmar's ethnic minorities.

For more than two decades, China's state-owned enterprises and banks have used huge profits from exporting consumer goods to gain control over the world's natural resources. Beijing has also been shrewd about lending cheaply to governments that others see as too risky. It was only later that the borrower found out that, once unable to repay, the CCP’s agents relentlessly demanded that the country’s assets be used to cover the debt, but it was too late. That's how the CCP controlled Sri Lanka's strategic port of Hambantota and its surrounding 60 square kilometers of land. A similar thing happened again when Greece was in trouble and could no longer borrow from EU countries. Beijing stepped up to help, and it turned out that a Chinese state-owned company owned half of the Port of Piraeus in Athens.

The acquisition of ports in Greece and other European countries is one of Xi Jinping's biggest imperial projects. His "One Belt, One Road" cost trillions of dollars, and his vision is to connect China directly to Europe, the Middle East, Africa, Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and one-third of the world with vast railway, road, air, and sea routes. Two population. All roads lead to Beijing, and these roads will project the power and influence of the CCP through the modern Silk Road.

President Xi has made it clear that he does not care about democracy and human rights, but these values have been at the heart of the international liberal order since the end of World War II. He evangelizes in developing countries and promotes China's economic development model by letting a powerful one-party state run a tight web of oligarchs and state-owned enterprises. This model is favored by many developing countries, especially since, by contrast, the liberal democratic culture of the North Atlantic is clearly rife with disorder and civil unrest. Xi is equally skeptical of various international institutions, such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and all their derivatives. These systems do not represent the values of the world Xi Jinping wants to create. He either bends it to his will, or replaces it with a new organization to his liking.

The CCP regime today will not exist forever. Dynasties have always risen and fallen. According to Chinese historical records, dynasties have always been violently overthrown. This is likely to happen to the CCP as well, but don't bet it will happen anytime soon. So Canada, like other countries that have to deal with China while maintaining a liberal democratic system, is facing a harsh reality. If Canada wants to retain its original values and standard of living through trade in a world dominated by China, and if Canada wants to expand its influence as a world middle power, then the government of Ottawa, now and in the future, must Be prepared. The Canadian government must strengthen its political, economic, social, and security ties with NATO and the G7, and other like-minded nations. Canadian politicians must be tougher and more confident in facing Beijing than they are now.

Changing attitudes is not easy, for reasons that will be explained in this book. Canada has been interested in China since the 1880s and began to send Christian missionaries to the other side of the Pacific. China then, as it is today, seemed like a huge market that could swallow everything Canada sold. However, the idea that the Chinese will soon become Christians is just an illusion, just as we now believe that the Chinese will want to buy Canadian-made goods given the opportunity. What propelled these Canadian missionaries (mostly from Presbyterian, Methodist, Catholic) was not just the zeal to evangelize for Christ, but also the idea of using the Gospels as a basis for social reform. The belief that Canada can change China with the self-evident appeal of our values remains deeply rooted even today. But what happened in China shows that this view is wrong. The most recent case was in November 2017, Justin. Prime Minister Trudeau's proposal was rejected by Chinese officials, who had hoped a bilateral free trade agreement would incorporate his progressive ideas for business relations. The proposal would force China to comply with Canadian standards on labor laws, gender equality and environmental protection. The CCP will never allow foreign countries to regulate its citizenship and human rights policies. Canada will never change China, not by leading by example, nor by making a strong argument.

The more relevant question for me is: Has China changed Canada? Because, long before the Communist Party of China came to power in 1949, it had established connections in Canada to influence discussions in our country's politics, business, media, and academia in its favor. The network of these links has expanded rapidly since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two sides in 1970. The CCP now has the ability to ensure that once Beijing’s concerns are brought up in federal, provincial, and municipal councils, or in Canadian media and teaching platforms, its interests are voiced and often dominated discussions . With the arrival of immigrants from Hong Kong and China over the past four or five decades, the CCP's ability to influence public discourse in Canada has undoubtedly grown. But it is very important to understand that these 1.56 million immigrants from Greater China (4% of Canada's population) came here to escape the CCP's persecution. It is precisely because the CCP knows that many of these 1.56 million people are dissidents working to change Chinese politics that it intends to maintain a spy network in Canada to continuously monitor these people and intimidate them if necessary.

The Chinese Communist Party is determined to influence the public dialogue in Canada, and Canadians who suffer most are of Chinese descent and those from the CCP-occupied or claimed territory. But it's not just them who suffer. All of Canada suffers from the values that the CCP imposes on our citizens and our institutions. Corruption of all kinds is now pervasive in all walks of life. Much of this is Canada's own fault. Canada has become a safe haven for CCP princelings and the red aristocracy (a privileged class whose status stems from their nepotism with the CCP leadership) to launder their money and hide. This is because Canadian governments at all levels do not have inspection mechanisms in place to ensure that money entering our country is legitimately earned and entered Canada for legitimate purposes. Since China has restrictions on the outflow of money, the illegal entry of money into my country is inevitably accompanied by corruption, including the corruption of partners in Canada. Once corruption takes root in one area of public life, it quickly spreads to others. There are already signs that the culture of corruption that has come with the CCP has infected many areas of Canadian life, including the awarding of diplomas and regulations and licenses controlled by municipal, provincial and federal governments.

Canada is not the only country that has had such an experience dealing with the CCP. Similar situations have occurred in the United States and Europe, especially New Zealand and Australia. Indeed, Australia's experience of being infiltrated by the CCP is almost identical to Canada's. The difference between the two is that Australian politicians, academics, the media and the general public have voiced their opposition to the CCP's actions louder and sharper than ours.

Why Canada is ashamed to admit to these incursions is a troubling question. Is it because the proxies that help the CCP exert its influence are so effective that any discussion has been diverted? This is somewhat true. Stephen. Prime Minister Harper's Conservative government has gone from being skeptical about engaging with China to finally changing its stance, a shift that shows powerful pro-Beijing lobbyists have penetrated Canadian politics, business and academia. But we should not overemphasize the extent to which the CCP has invaded Canadian public life, and certainly not every public figure who advocates reasonable dealings with China as a puppet of Beijing.

Canadian politicians have long been skeptical about the extent of the Chinese Communist Party's intrusion into our country, even when strong evidence is in front of them. One reason seems to be their longstanding lack of respect for Canada's national security and intelligence efforts. The history of these agencies is indeed problematic; as will be mentioned later, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) was established after many difficulties in the 1980s and 1990s, during which time the CSIS raised A report on the Chinese Communist Party's infiltration of my country, code-named "Operation Rattlesnake", was severely criticized by Congress. However, the relationship between Congress and the intelligence agencies appears to have stabilized in recent years. Respect for each other grows day by day. That's thanks to several outgoing chiefs of security intelligence and communications security, who have been tireless in public warning of China's looting of Canada in appropriately discreet speeches. The Security Intelligence Service has the confidence to speak on this topic, as evidenced by their "Academic Outreach Seminar" held in March 2018. It was a closed-door meeting, and participants were required to abide by the Chatham House Rule, which means that although they could report on what was said, they could not identify who was speaking. Two months later, at the end of May 2018, the Security Intelligence Service published a 163-page report on the seminar, titled "Rethinking Security Issues: China and the Age of Strategic Confrontation." The report discusses The threat posed by the Chinese Communist Party to Canada and other countries is arguably the sharpest and most complete account the Security Intelligence Service has ever issued. The report's summary lists every aspect of Chinese interference in Canadian life and the dangers it poses.

The report cautions that it does not matter whether the Chinese companies doing business with the Canadian side are state-owned or not. All Chinese companies have "close and increasingly prominent ties to the CCP". Unless trade agreements are carefully scrutinized for their security implications, the report says, China "will use commercial convenience to access and exploit commercial, technological and infrastructure resources to achieve its intelligence objectives, or to damage those it cooperates with. security system”. "China is ready to use threats and inducements to draw business and political elites to its side and encourage them to defend China's position on Taiwan's status or South China Sea disputes."

The report says the CCP actively seeks to influence Chinese communities around the world and Chinese students and business people living in other countries, "often by restricting their freedom of speech in order to promote narratives that fit the CCP's views." "Academics and journalists who question [CCP] activities face harassment by Chinese diplomats and Chinese-controlled media," the report added.

Fear of being labelled racially discriminatory has limited discussions about the activities of Chinese proxies in Canada. It is undeniable that in the history of our country there have been laws and regulations of racial discrimination against Chinese immigrants and other Asian immigrants who will be naturalized. Guilt about this history breeds a wary attitude among public figures to avoid discussing a single community in Canada’s diverse society, but in doing so puts arms in the hands of proxies of CCP influence . We can see that whenever someone publicly questions my country's relations with China, there will always be an angry reaction, saying that racial discrimination is behind such problems.

But seeing the CCP’s infiltration of Canada as racism is not only wrong, but also dangerous. This is not racism. This is a story that a particular regime made up for its own benefit at a certain point in its history. The CCP sees overseas Chinese as an asset that can be used and abused, a threat not only to Canadians in general, but even more so to Chinese Canadians. Of course there will be some Chinese Canadians who are vulnerable to Chinese nationalism. But the vast majority of people who immigrate to Canada just want to be Canadians, and many of them are trying to escape the clutches of corrupt, power-minded people who live around Zhongnanhai. The mansion is adjacent to the Forbidden City and faces Tiananmen Square.

This book is not about an apocalyptic saga—far from it. As the story progresses, it becomes increasingly clear that while China has successfully penetrated and influenced some aspects of the Canadian way of life, it has failed in others. This clandestine war is now known: the field where the CCP operates best is between its familiar Chinese cultural circle and the people of its traditional vassal states. In contrast, the Party and its agents have often been unable to advance or retreat in dealing with established democratic societies, such as Canada, Australia, the United States, and Western European countries. They work best in Western democracies when they find people to confuse and bribe. And it was never difficult to find what the former Soviet Communist Party called "a handy idiot." Canada has provided the CCP with an endless stream of useful idiots, including political party and government leaders, grassroots politicians, naive and proud academics, greedy and deceitful business people, and even some short-sighted and inexperienced journalists. In order to make excuses for their greed, many of them told themselves that the more contact with the CCP, the more the party will feel the beauty of Canadian values. Once party members saw that liberal democracy brought freedom and human rights, they couldn't wait to push China on the road to reform.

It is important that we do not react blindly to the CCP and its proxies. Although they have achieved significant results, especially in the theft of intellectual property, commercial and military technology, they have also successfully created a generally favorable image in the eyes of Western political, business, and academic elites. However, the system and democratic culture of Canada and other Western democracies seem to be able to withstand the attacks of the CCP. The CCP has not taken the commanding heights of Canada and Western societies as it has in non-democratic and authoritarian states in Asia and Africa.

But this saga is not over yet. As the power of the CCP grows, and looks set to grow, countries like Canada will face greater pressure from the Beijing regime to accept their views and values. The most likely scenarios for the future are already showing signs. The United States has been a fighter to defend the values of the North Atlantic and the Enlightenment since World War I, but the burden of domestic political and social disputes has caused the United States' influence to decline. The European Union was the only power that could replace the United States in promoting liberal values, and there is little reason to expect it to be willing or able to play that role for the foreseeable future. Therefore, the vacancy left by Washington on the international stage will inevitably be filled by Beijing. What follows will be the replacement or transformation of the structure of international operations and international organizations to suit the CCP, but the CCP’s values do not include freedom of speech, respect for dissent, and most importantly, the principle of the supremacy of the rule of law.

The term "rule of law" is very important in the face of the CCP. The rule of law represents that the sovereign of a country—whether it is a constitutional monarch, a president, or a parliamentary government—must be accountable to the laws of the country, and similarly, every citizen must be accountable to the laws of the country. King John of England signed Magna Carta in June 1215, accepting the concept and setting the West on the long road to democracy. But the CCP does not accept the rule of law nor the concept of judicial independence. The CCP maintains that the interests of the party take precedence over everything else. Whenever it involves issues the CCP deems dangerous, such as prosecuting dissidents it sees as dissidents or challenging party supremacy, the party committee secretly negotiates a verdict, writes a script, and submits it to the judicial process to follow the rules in court. Now that China under the CCP has become an increasingly influential arbiter of international dialogue, its refusal to accept the principle of the rule of law is a serious threat to all countries that trade with it and are increasingly affected by it. Canada cannot avoid such a threat now and will not be able to avoid it in the future; now that the agents of the CCP have already launched operations in our country, how can this group of people be described? .

"Controlling the mind"

In the early 2000s, as the CCP became increasingly certain that China would reemerge as a superpower, it developed a general strategy to use the appeal of the Chinese language and culture to launch a soft-power offensive against foreigners, especially foreigners. colleges and universities. Western educational institutions at the time were obsessed with all things Chinese. China, Chinese, and Chinese culture were not only the most fashionable research fields at that time, but gradually everyone discovered that these researches could make money. Universities are challenging the cap on the percentage of foreign students they can legally enroll after Chinese students have already squeezed out large sums of international student fees. Specialized institutes in universities have followed suit and grabbed money. Asian institutes began to flourish, and the strongest among them was often Chinese studies. The SME found that the industry targeting the Chinese market is in urgent need of assistance. They have extremely exaggerated expectations for the Chinese market, so they are willing to sponsor training institutions.

The CCP sees that Western academic institutions have opened their doors and are ready to cooperate with China. But what Beijing has come up with is ironic, because China ended the Cultural Revolution not long ago, and the rallying cry of the Cultural Revolution was "breaking the four olds" - old ideas, old culture, old customs, and old habits. In this large-scale fanatical movement to overthrow idols, the core is to get rid of the feudal ethics designed by Confucian Confucianism. It is these norms that have brought China together for more than two thousand years in terms of culture, politics, and administration. But the CCP understands that when dealing with the Western world, it is more attractive to use Confucius as the patron saint of modern China than to do otherwise, for example, than to re-dress Mao Zedong's dead ideology and turn him into a decent hero Much stronger.

The CCP has decided to establish a network of Confucius Institutes in colleges, universities and schools around the world. The Confucius Institute will have Chinese teachers to teach Chinese language and Chinese culture, and Beijing will also provide enough subsidies to make the institution consider it a proposal worth considering. The earliest trial operation of the Confucius Institute was in June 2004 in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. The pilot was so successful that just five months later, in November 2004, the first full-fledged Confucius Institute was established in Seoul. As of early 2018, according to the Office of the National Leading Group for the Promotion of Chinese Language (Hanban), which is in charge of the Confucius Institutes, there are 511 Confucius Institutes overseas. Among them, 12 Confucius Institutes are located in Canadian colleges and universities, and 35 Confucius Classrooms are located in Canadian high schools.

At first, on the surface, the Confucius Institute seemed impeccable. Chinese officials make most Confucius Institutes look like cultural promotion organizations in certain European countries, such as the French Cultural Institute, the Goethe-Institut in Germany, the British Council. Hanban is an official organization of the Chinese government and is placed under the Ministry of Education in the structure diagram. Therefore, Hanban signed agreements with foreign higher education institutions and local education authorities to provide funds and teachers to Confucius Institutes and Confucius Classrooms, which seems like a legitimate educational exchange program. However, with a little research, it can be found that the planning of the Confucius Institute is a major international propaganda and espionage work by the CCP, which is only veiled in the name of cultural exchange. The Economist, published on October 22, 2009, quoted Li Changchun, the fifth-ranked member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, as saying that Confucius Institutes are "an important part of China's large-scale outreach landscape." Subsequent development shows that the Confucius Institute is far more than that. Most of the Confucius Institutes are spying branches of Chinese embassies and consulates to control Chinese students, gather intelligence on so-called enemies, and deter dissidents. At the time of writing this book, the chairman of the Council of the Confucius Institute Headquarters is Vice Premier Liu Yandong, who is not only a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, but also previously served as the Minister of the United Front Work Department. There are other senior CCP officials on the council, including the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as the State Council Information Office, the National Development and Reform Commission, and the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television.

The first Confucius Institute in Canada was established at the British Columbia Institute of Technology (BCIT) in February 2006. The opening event was very grand. Two hundred guests from Canada included federal, provincial and municipal officials, and Shirley Pound, then Deputy Premier of British Columbia, also attended. The Chinese delegation was even more impressive, led by Chen Zhili, a senior cadre of the Communist Party of China and Minister of Education. Soon, some people questioned what the Confucius Institute at BC Polytechnic was doing. In early 2008, "Vancouver Sun" education news reporter Janet. Schitiffen Hagen found photocopies of some receipts that Beijing gave to BC Polytech for the Confucius Institute, totaling about 400,000 Canadian dollars. Schitiffen Hagen visited the hospital's site in downtown Vancouver and found "no sign of activity," she reported on April 2, 2008. “The Sun went to the eighth floor of BC Polytech three times recently, but the reception counter marked as the Confucius Institute was empty. One time, the entire eighth floor was empty; another time, some people were taking classes, but these class activities were all Other organizations.” Jim Reichter, vice president of BC Polytechnic, said in an interview with Schottifen Hagen that the school is still in the process of deciding which program is best for British Columbians who want to enter the Chinese market. The report quoted Reicht as saying: "Our direction is not to be huge in numbers. The real goal of Confucius Institutes is to build bridges between the countries where they are established, the institutions where they are established, and China."

At that time, Schitiffen Hagen had a blog attached to the "Vancouver Sun", in which she expounded some questions about the BC Polytechnic Confucius Institute in her heart. On April 4, 2008, she wrote: "The receipts exposed to me were about 400,000 yuan, but the total expenditure may have been more. I was told that during that period [since 2000] the Confucius Institute had Since its inception six years ago, the number of students enrolled in the part-time program is less than 100. BC Polytechnic said the actual number is closer to 250, but this number includes students who have signed up for one-day programs, such as "One-day Accelerated Chinese" ’. Why does China spend so much money and do so little? How is the money spent? I don’t have an answer, because BC Polytechnic signed a non-disclosure agreement with Beijing, and all financial reports related to the Confucius Institute are also confidential.”

The agreements signed between Hanban and the institutions that set up Confucius Institutes do have strict confidentiality requirements, and there are clauses in the agreements that ensure that Hanban has the right to decide which topics in the Confucius Institute are politically and which are not. The basic confidentiality clause in the agreement is very strict, which reads: "Both parties to the agreement regard this agreement as a confidential document, and neither party shall release or release any material or information concerning the other party that has been obtained or known by either party without the written consent of the other party. Disclose, make it public, or allow a third party to publish, disclose, and make it public, unless one party to the agreement must publish, disclose, and make public the above-mentioned materials or information in order to fulfill the responsibilities agreed in the agreement.”

The strangest thing in the standard agreement should be Article 5, which stipulates that the activities carried out by the Confucius Institute must comply with the customs, laws and regulations of China and the host country. This is impossible in Canada or all Western countries that have set up Confucius Institutes. The rule of law in Canada and the social foundation formed by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms have nothing to do with the situation in China. In China, the CCP does not accept the rule of law, and the constitution is a dead letter. Whether or not to respect the constitution depends on political convenience. . Some universities and schools in Canada began to recognize the true face of the Confucius Institute because of the conflict caused by this clause. A growing number of Canadian academics and school officials are concerned that having such an institution in their school will diminish the school's reputation for academic rigor and excellence.

Even if the true identity of the Confucius Institute did not attract the attention of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service at first, when the British Columbia Institute of Technology, Canada's top institution in science and technology, will set up a Confucius Institute, the Intelligence Service will start paying attention anyway. Just a year later, in February 2007, the Security Intelligence Service had completed a report describing the Confucius Institute as a soft power agent to promote the 2008 Summer Olympics hosted by Beijing. An edited version of the report was obtained by The Canadian Press through the FOIA and published in May 2007. The Confucius Institute appears to be primarily promoting Chinese language and culture, the report said. "In other words, China hopes that the world will have a positive perception of China and all kinds of Chinese things. If China wants to achieve this goal, it must make everyone admire China to a certain extent. The academic circle is still discussing hard power - tanks, missiles, Guns and so on—the People's Republic of China has seen soft power as an equally useful concept when compared to its importance."