Beast Press: I saw today in the sixth issue of the December 2013 issue of the magazine "Public Intellectuals" that Chen Ziming's article "Sixty Years of Continental Constitutional Democracy" was published. Chen Ziming has been dead for more than six years. Chen Ziming, who was born on January 8, 1952, belongs to the Pisces Sun Capricorn family in the North Node, and his life shows the love of high-level Pisces and the perseverance of high-level Capricorn.

Chen Ziming (January 8, 1952-October 21, 2014), a Chinese dissident, was a contributing writer for the "Beijing Watch" column of Deutsche Welle. His ancestral home is Haiyan, Zhejiang. He was born in Shanghai and grew up in Beijing. His wife is Wang Zhihong. Chen Ziming actively participated in many pro-democracy movements in the 1970s and 1980s. He was once arrested and imprisoned, and was once placed under residential surveillance in Beijing.

In the early morning of December 20, 2013, his friend Wang Dan revealed on Facebook that Chen Ziming was suffering from terminal cancer and was hospitalized. He was still facing the prospect of surgery and chemotherapy. In early 2014, the Chinese authorities agreed to Chen Ziming's visit to the United States for treatment. On the evening of January 18 of the same year, Chen Ziming and his wife Wang Zhihong arrived in Boston, the United States, for treatment. That night, overseas pro-democracy activists Hu Ping and Wang Juntao went to the airport to greet them. At the beginning of 2014, he returned to Beijing to recuperate. At 2:50 pm on October 21 of the same year, he died of pancreatic cancer in Beijing.

Born in Shanghai in January 1952.

After graduating from Beijing No. 8 Middle School in 1968, he went to Abaga Banner, Inner Mongolia, to join the team for six years.

In 1974, as a worker, peasant and soldier student, he studied at Beijing Institute of Chemical Technology.

In August 1975, he was arrested for being found criticizing current affairs in a letter, and was characterized as a counter-revolutionary.

On April 2, 1976, the school announced that it would be expelled from school and the Communist Youth League. The next day, Chen Ziming went to Tiananmen Square. On April 4, he publicly read a small-character poster called the Eleventh Route Struggle in the square. Participated in the "Capital People's Commemoration Committee for the Prime Minister" established on the spot in the square, and served as a "mass negotiator". On April 7, he was sent to Yongledian Farm for "reform through labor" by the school as planned, but was not arrested.

In 1978, he resumed his student status and participated in the Xidan Democracy Wall Movement in Beijing.

In 1979, he was the editor of Beijing Spring Magazine.

In 1980, he was admitted to the Graduate School of the University of Science and Technology of China, where he studied molecular biology at the Institute of Biophysics, and served as the chairman of the Graduate Student Union of the Graduate School.

At the end of 1980, China directly elected deputies to the National People's Congress at the district and county level for the first time.

In August 1984, Wang Zhihong and Yu Guolu founded Beijing Ziqiang Industrial Co., Ltd., and in October of the same year, they founded the Northern Books and Periodicals Publishing Company. Chen Ziming, Wang Juntao and Li Shengping are the board members of the issuing company.

In 1985, Northern Books and Periodicals Publishing Company initiated the establishment of China Administrative Correspondence University and Beijing Finance, Trade and Finance Correspondence Institute. China Administrative Correspondence University enrolled 50,000 students, and Beijing Finance, Trade and Finance Correspondence College enrolled 180,000 students, becoming the largest private correspondence school in the country at that time.

In August 1986, the China Institute of Political and Administrative Sciences was established, Li Zhengwen was invited to be the director, and Chen Ziming and Li Shengping were the deputy directors.

In February 1987, after the China Institute of Political and Administrative Sciences was closed, Chen Ziming, Wang Juntao and others established the Beijing Institute of Social and Economic Sciences. Four research departments.

In March 1988, the Economics Department of the Institute took over the Economics Weekly, with He Jiadong as the editor-in-chief and Chen Ziming as the general manager. The newspaper later became more influential, with the World Economic Herald as the representative of China's liberalization.

After the June 4th Incident in 1989, the Beijing Institute of Social and Economic Sciences was closed down, its personnel were dismissed, and the institute's assets were seized by officials. Chen Ziming is wanted for being "behind the scenes". On October 10, he was arrested in Zhanjiang, Guangdong.

In 1991, the Chinese government sentenced Chen Ziming to 13 years in prison and 4 years of deprivation of political rights for "counter-revolutionary incitement and conspiracy to subvert the government". In the same year, he was awarded the International Press Freedom Award.

In 1992, "Chen Ziming Reflects on Ten Years of Reform" was published in Hong Kong's "Contemporary Monthly", referring to Wang Dan's false accusations against other figures in the June 4 incident in prison: "Wang Dan wrote hundreds of thousands of words for nearly 500 people. The testimony of Wang Dan, he just had wrong memories of the three testimony he gave me”, “a large number of facts prove that several of Wang Dan’s testimony are contrary to his heart”, “related to the name of the witnesses”, “resolutely demanded Face to face with key witness Wang Dan...let him clean up a major stain that may remain in history."

In May 1994, he was released on medical parole and found to have cancer after being released from prison.

In June 1995, he was jailed again.

In November 1996, he was released on medical parole again and placed under house arrest.

In January 1997, he was selected as the 11th Outstanding Democracy Person by the China Democracy Education Foundation.

On October 10, 2002, he was released after serving his sentence, but still under police surveillance.

In May 2004, co-founded the renovation and construction website with He Jiadong. In August 2005, the site was shut down by the authorities.

In 2005, he won the Contemporary Chinese Contribution Award of the year.

In 2013, won the Independent Chinese PEN Free Writing Award of the year

On January 1, 2014, he and his wife Wang Zhihong jointly won the first Liu Binyan Conscience Award.

At 2:50 pm on October 21, 2014, he died of pancreatic cancer in Beijing. aged 62

book

"Western Civil Service System", Sichuan People's Publishing House, 1985

"Job Classification and Personnel Management", China Economic Press, 1986

"Introduction to Modern Political Science", Ningxia People's Publishing House, 1988

Who is the Sinner of History, 1991

"Chen Ziming Reflects on Ten Years of Reform", Contemporary Monthly, 1992

"The Realm of Yin and Yang: Letters from the Rainbow Prison of King Chen Ziming", Ming Pao Publishing House, 1995

"Thorn Road, Independent Road: Chen Ziming's Self-Report", Xiuwei Information, 2009

Translation

"Bop", China Social Sciences Press, 1992

Editor-in-Chief

"Translation Series of World Famous Thinkers", Workers Publishing House, China Social Science Publishing House

"Modernization and Political Development Series and Translation Series", Ningxia People's Publishing House

Public Intellectuals: Social Movements and Youth

Authors: Wang Dan, Wang Yaohan, Su Jiahao, Wang Lingyun, etc.

Editor: Wang Juntao

Publisher: Public Intellectual Press

Publication date: 2013/12/04

Language: Traditional Chinese

Price: 200 yuan

In June this year, large-scale mass demonstrations took place in many countries around the world. To this end, the "Economist" magazine at the end of June dedicated to "protest marches" as the theme of this issue, and distributed a commentary. The commentary said that in the past week, there have been protests and demonstrations on three continents around the world. In Brazil, people take to the streets against high bus fares; in Turkey, people say no to a construction project; in Indonesia, people refuse to accept rising fuel prices; Bulgarians want to stop government cronyism. In the euro area, the objection is to tighten fiscal policy. If this report by The Economist is delayed for another two months, it will definitely add Taiwan's 250,000 white shirts to seek justice for the unjustly killed soldiers on Ketagalan Avenue, as well as the "demolition" campaign against the government's forced demolition. government" action.

Not to mention that in a country with a totalitarian system, the exercise of the right of resistance by the people is a just and necessary political act. Even in a democratic country that has established a basic constitutional structure, the right of resistance of the people is still an important part of the constitutional order. . Those who remain skeptical and worried about the exercise of the people's right of resistance may have a great misunderstanding in their minds, that is, they think that the construction of the state is only a matter of the state machine, and ignore the initiative of the people. They forget that the people are the Participate in national political construction through bottom-up actions, including the exercise of the right of resistance.

About the Author

Wang Dan Visiting Assistant Professor, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, National Tsinghua University, President of "Public Intellectuals" magazine

Guoguang Wu, Ph.D. in Political Science, Princeton University, Professor of Political Science, University of Victoria, Canada

Hu Ping, a famous political commentator living in the United States, editor-in-chief of "Beijing Spring"

Xia Ming, Professor of Political Science, City University of New York

Chen Kuide, Doctor of Philosophy, Fudan University. Executive Chairman of the Princeton China Society

Zhang Wei Former Director of China Economic Research Center, University of Cambridge

Yongchuan Liu Ph.D. in Sociology, Stanford University

Writer of Xie Xuanjun's TV film "Heshang"

Xu Sijian, Associate Researcher, Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica

Zhang Tiezhi, Columbia University Political Science PhD Candidate

Luo Wenjia Publisher of "Second Party Outside" magazine

Meng Lang poet

Zhang Boxu Ph.D., Department of Philosophy, Graduate School of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Xia Yeliang, Professor, Department of Economics, Peking University

Zeng Jianyuan, Associate Professor, Department of Administration, Chung Hwa University

Table of contents

◎The president's words:

Social Movement and Democracy Deepening Wang Dan

◎Social Movements: Hong Kong, Macau, China

"Occupy Central with Love and Peace" Campaign Outline

The Day and Night of "630": A Record of Social Movement in Macau, So Jiahao

Beliefs, Legislative Principles and Strategies for Rights Protection of Chinese Farmers' Land Rights Li Jinzhi

Sixty Years of Mainland Constitutional Democracy Movement (serial) Chen Ziming

◎World Watch:

A bird's-eye view of Indonesian Hakka and his research Zeng Jianyuan

Wang Yaohan before leaving again

◎Album: A Centennial Review of Xinhai

Intense Battle in Spring Rain (5) Wang Lingyun

Sixty Years of Democracy Movement in Mainland China (Part 1)

——Introduction to "Democracy Movement in China"

Chen Ziming

The purpose of this article is to discuss the meaning of the democratic movement, the origin of the Chinese democratic movement and the basic context of the democratic movement in mainland China over the past sixty years.

An overview of the democratic movement

The definition of "movement" related to this article in the dictionary is: an organized, purposeful and powerful mass activity in politics, culture, production, etc. A democratic movement is a political mass activity, or a political movement.

"Moving the Masses" and "Mass Movements"

Mass activities can be divided into two types, one is collective activities instigated or even forced by those in power, and the other is collective activities mobilized and organized by the people themselves. We call the former "moving masses" and the latter "mass movements".

The "Intellectual Youths Going to the Mountains to the Countryside Movement" that forced population migration, the "Public Canteen Movement" that forced peasants and citizens to eat big pots of rice, and the "Five Antis Movement" that squeezed funds for the war to "Resist America and Aid Korea" from the pockets of private capitalists. The "movement to clean up the ranks of the class," in which the masses are made the object of dictatorship, are examples of "moving the masses." Most of the "movements" in the Mao era belonged to the "moving masses". During the Deng Xiaoping era, he wanted to launch an "anti-liberalization movement", but the masses did not buy it, and they couldn't find a few critical articles after paying high prices. This shows that "moving the masses" is no longer feasible.

Wang Haiguang's recent article revealed the "anti-grain expropriation" and "people's uprising" in various parts of Guizhou in 1950, (Note 1) Gao Wangling's "Great Leap Forward" period of the "Great Leap Forward" in many parts of the country's "reverse behavior" of farmers in many parts of the country , (Note 2) During the height of the Cultural Revolution, the organization of temporary workers and contract workers, the “National Red Workers Rebellion Corps,” fought for equal pay for equal work and equal wages and benefits with regular workers. This was the true “mass movement”. ". But these movements are hardly political movements.

"Mass movements" can be divided into social movements and political movements. The former aims to change the existing social value trends, specific interest distribution patterns and rigid social life customs, while the latter aims to change the mode and procedure of the polity, that is, the mandatory value distribution system. In other words, the former involves who gets a little more and who gives in a little; the latter involves who gets the distribution and how.

Before the establishment of democracies, many social movements had the connotation of political movements, or would eventually turn into political movements. For example, in the United Kingdom in the 19th century, workers' struggle for economic rights was transformed into the Charter Movement; in Poland in the 1980s, workers' struggle for economic rights was transformed into the "Solidarity" movement. After the establishment of a democratic government, most social movements do not need to make major changes to the government, and can achieve results within the existing political framework. For example, a series of "new social movements" since the 1970s - the feminist movement for equality between men and women, the civil rights movement against racial discrimination, the environmental movement, the gay rights movement, etc.

political movement aimed at democracy

Within the category of political movements, there are both movements for democracy and movements against democracy. An example of the latter is the Nazi movement in Germany. Before Hitler came to power, the Nazi movement was an opposition mass movement, but its goal was to impose a fascist dictatorship. Pope once called the fascist party's election to power as "the paradox of democracy". Therefore, the natural theory of mass movements is wrong.

Lenin once said: "Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement." (Note 3) We want to draw two meanings from Lenin's words. First, it is about the relationship between theory and movement. Without democratic thought and democratic theory, there will be no democratic movement. The democratic movement in China arose after the democratic theory was introduced into China. Obviously, the Taiping Rebellion is not a democratic movement, nor is the Boxer Rebellion.

Second, it is about the relationship between revolution and democracy. Although democratic movements sometimes take the form of revolutions, such as the French Revolution, the February Revolution in Russia, the "Velvet Revolution" and the "Orange Revolution" in recent Soviet and Eastern countries, and the 1911 Revolution in China; "Revolutionary movement" and the democratic movement are two cars running on the road, not the same thing at all, such as the so-called "new democratic revolutionary movement" and "the continuation of the revolutionary movement under the dictatorship of the proletariat". Li Shenzhi pointed out that many Chinese youths in the "129 generation" once regarded "revolution" as friends of democracy, but they did not expect that they were enemies. The raging fire of the "revolutionary movement" comes from the burning (including self-burning) of liberal democratic values. Li Shenzhi said: "Our generation spent their entire lives shouting for 'democracy and revolution', but revolution swept across China, and what is meant by 'democracy', our generation spent their entire lives ignoring its meaning." (Note 4 ) Obviously, the setback of the Chinese democratic movement is directly related to the lack of democratic theory (including the misunderstanding of the relationship between democracy and revolution).

The democratic movement we are talking about is a national movement with the goal of establishing and improving the democratic system under the guidance of democratic thinking. There are three meanings here: First, it is a movement guided by democratic ideas, not a movement caused by other ideas. The anti-Manchurian movement, the xenophobic movement, and the non-Christian (Christian) movement were once powerful mass movements, but they were not democratic movements. Second, it is a political movement aimed at establishing and improving a democratic system, not a social movement aimed at winning the interests of a particular class or stratum. Political strikes demanding unions are democratic movements, economic strikes demanding wage increases are not. Third, it is a mass-based activity of a certain scale, not an isolated, individual, and accidental act. It can be a movement that only a part of the people participate in, such as the gentry movement in the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China; it can also be a movement that the whole people or the majority of citizens participate in, such as the 1989 democracy movement.

We divide the democratic movements in the world into two categories: the former aims to establish a democratic political system, so it can be called a democratization movement; the latter aims to improve the democratic system, so it can be called a democratic reform movement. The "Civil Rights Movement" in the United States in the 1960s belonged to the democratic reform movement. And China's democratic movement has not yet surpassed the stage of the democratization movement.

The democratization movement in China (hereinafter referred to as the democratic movement for short) can be further divided into two parts. The first half century was a democratic movement under an autocratic system; the next sixty years were a democratic movement under a totalitarian system. From a global perspective, the democratic movement under the totalitarian system is more difficult than the democratic movement under the authoritarian system, because the totalitarian system is the pinnacle of the authoritarian system, and its suppression of the democratic movement is more rigorous and cruel than its predecessors.

The styles of democratic movements include: extensive publicity and social mobilization, mass marches, rallies, demonstrations, strikes, associations and party formations, election campaigns, and uprisings and revolutions under special conditions. According to Sitani Tarot, a democratic movement is a "political event of struggle that develops a persistent challenge to powerful adversaries, based on an underlying social network and a resonant framework of collective action". “What makes forms of combative collective action different from market relations, lobbying, or representative politics is that they pit ordinary people against opponents, social elites, or authorities. They are powerful because they challenge those in power and create solidarity , which is significant in the context of specific populations, conditions, and national cultures.” This movement “contains four characteristics derived from experience: collective challenge, common purpose, social solidarity, and continuous interaction.” (Note 5)

The Origin of China's Democracy Movement

Liang Qichao, the forerunner of China's democratic thought and democratic movement, said: "(Kang) Youwei gathered thousands of young students to write about current affairs after the Sino-Japanese War. It was the so-called 'public car'. There is a 'mass political movement' in China. From the beginning of the truth.” (Note 6) From “the letter on the bus” to the promulgation of the Constitution of the Republic of China, we have divided the Chinese democratic movement for more than 50 years into four stages: the gentry movement, the national movement, the human rights movement, and the constitutional movement. .

When the Chinese democracy movement was just starting, it was dominated by old and new gentlemen. In Liang Qichao's words: "Today's strategy for China is to promote civil rights. Of course civil rights can be promoted, but civil rights cannot be established overnight. . . . The fundamental purpose of the gentry movement is to use the gentry autonomy and political participation in the minds of the contemporary people as a means to achieve the goal of modernizing the country, that is, to "prosper the country and strengthen the army". two stages of constitution. In the first stage, the reformists hoped to allow the gentry who advocated reform to participate in politics while preserving the royal power, so as to form a kind of co-governance of royal power and gentry power. The second stage began with the Russo-Japanese War. Japan, a constitutional monarchy, defeated Russia, a tsarist dictatorship. The Oriental Magazine cheered: "The Sino-Russian war is a great one, isn't it because God indicated its trend and started the germination of China's constitutional government?" (Note 8 ) Liang Qichao said in the "Constitution of the Constitution": "There are three types of government in the world: one is an autocratic monarchy, the second is a constitutional monarchy, and the third is a democratic constitutional government." Whether it is democratic or constitutional, the key is to implement a constitutional government in China.

The gentry movement has experimented with the various forms of democratic movement, from the most traditional bus rides to the most violent armed uprisings. In the early stage, the methods of the movement were mainly propaganda, education, and enlightenment, such as running newspapers, opening schools, and organizing societies. The meaning of system construction. It can be said that the gentry movement initiated almost all forms of Chinese democratic movement in the following century. Due to the concerted action of anti-Manchu nationalists and constitutional democrats, the Manchu Qing rule was overthrown and the first republic in Asia, the Republic of China, was established. Due to the inevitable political chaos in the early years of the Republic of China, conservatives such as Yuan Shikai attempted to reverse the trend of the autocratic monarchy.

When China's gentry movement was flourishing, the world's democratization trend had shifted from gentry democracy to mass democracy. In the second half of the 19th century, the right to vote in European and American countries gradually expanded from the rich to all adult men. Before and after the First World War, women also gained the right to vote. This trend immediately affected China. Marked by the May Fourth Movement, the youth movement, the women's movement, the workers' movement, and the peasant movement gradually unfolded. Liang Qichao reviewed in "Ouyouxin Video Recording": In the past, there were two factions of patriots, each taking a wrong path. The A faction (referring to Liang's own faction) wanted to rely on the inherent power in the country to gradually carry out reforms under the more orderly status quo. Who would have thought that this idea was completely wrong, and that it was only used by others in the end, so how could you see any reforms coming? The B faction (referring to the faction of Sun Yat-sen) wants to break the inherent forces, what will they use to fight? However, he used a force of the same nature as him and said that he was fighting a warlord. Isn't the one who fights a warlord a warlord? It is said that the bureaucracy is platooning, isn't the person who platooning the bureaucracy still a bureaucrat? The two factions have a common fallacy. They are both obscured by the old social thinking. As Du Gongbu's poem said: "The time has come for two or three heroes to come out, and it's time to rectify the world." How do you know that a democratic country is thoroughly It all depends on the majority of the people, not on a few heroes. (Note 9) Liang Qichao pointed out: "The political track is to build politics on the national consciousness. If you want to lead him to the track, there is no other way than the mass movement of the citizens." (Note 10) "Political activists are part of the nation. , in order to preserve and develop the country, embrace an ideal, and feel dissatisfied with political phenomena, either in whole or in part, and in an open form, unite the majority to continue to work together, engage in propaganda and implementation, in order to implement political reforms Or a means adopted for the public purpose of political revolution.” (Note 11)

It is a pity that the national movement advocated by Liang Qichao was soon replaced by the national revolutionary movement imported by the Comintern. Influenced by the latest world trends, both Liang Qichao and Sun Yat-sen after the May Fourth Movement yearned for direct democracy, but took a negative attitude towards representative democracy. This led the younger generation of China (both Kuomintang and communists) to fall to what Lenin called "new democracy" - "proletarian democracy is a million times more powerful than any bourgeois democracy; Soviet power is more powerful than the most democratic A bourgeois republic needs a million times more democracy." (Note 12) This "new-style democracy" is actually a "new-style autocracy", and after Stalin implemented the planned economy and the KGB dictatorship, it became a "totalitarian autocracy".

Although Chen Duxiu's article "The French and Modern Civilization" published in the inaugural issue of "Youth Magazine" listed "human rights theory" as one of the "characteristics of modern civilization", during the May Fourth period, "human rights" did not have the same "Get the same reputation. At that time, people regarded democracy and science as a weapon in the struggle for "national rights", and regarded the struggle for "human rights" as a second-order goal. After the Kuomintang implemented the "political training" of "the party in the country", the issue of human rights abuses became increasingly prominent. As Hu Shi said: "No matter whoever puts up signs such as 'reactionaries', 'local tyrants and evil gentry', 'counter-revolutionary', 'Communist suspects', etc., there is no guarantee of human rights. The body can be insulted, and freedom can be completely deprived , property can be arbitrarily slaughtered, and it is not an 'illegal act'. No matter what books and newspapers, as long as the words 'reactionary publications' are affixed, they are all prohibited, and they are not considered to infringe on freedom. No matter what schools, foreigners run Only the words 'cultural aggression' must be posted on those created by the Chinese, and the words 'study clan', 'reactionary forces', etc., can be affixed to those run by the Chinese, and they can all be banned and confiscated, and they are not considered illegal infringements." (Note 13) Hu Shi, Liang Shiqiu and other liberal intellectuals published articles criticizing "political training" and "party governance", and Luo Longji proposed thirty-five "human rights that must be fought at present". (Note 14) These articles were first published in the monthly magazine "New Moon" and later edited and published as "Human Rights Treatises". Luo Longji predicted at the time that "people who are currently paying attention to state affairs will probably focus on" "the civil war that kills each other"; "a hundred years later, readers of history will turn to these pages of history in the eighteenth year of the Republic of China", " We must pay attention to the story of "Hu Shi and his people" promoting the human rights movement." (Note 15)

The establishment of the China Civil Rights Protection Alliance can be regarded as a small climax of the human rights movement. On December 18, 1932, the Shanghai "Declaration" published the "Declaration on the Launch of the China Civil Rights Protection Alliance" issued by Soong Ching Ling, Cai Yuanpei, Yang Xingfo, Li Zhaohuan, Lin Yutang and others in the name of the Preparatory Committee, stating that the purpose of the alliance: (1) To serve the domestic Fight for the release of political prisoners and the abolition of illegal detention, torture and killing; (2) Provide legal and other assistance to domestic political prisoners, investigate prison conditions, and publish facts about the government's oppression of civil rights to arouse the public will of the society ; (3) Assist in all struggles for civil rights such as freedom of association and assembly, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press. On December 29, the China Civil Rights Protection Alliance held its inaugural meeting in Shanghai Huaan Building. The interim executive committee consists of Soong Ching Ling, Cai Yuanpei, Yang Xingfo and Lin Yutang. Soong Ching Ling is the chairman, Cai Yuanpei is the vice chairman, Yang Xingfo is the director general, and Lin Yutang is the publicity director. On January 17 of the following year, the Shanghai branch was established, with Soong Ching Ling, Cai Yuanpei, Yang Xingfo, Lin Yutang, Yiluosheng, Zou Taofen, Chen Binhe, Hu Yuzhi and Lu Xun as executive members. On January 31, the Peiping branch was established, with Hu Shi, Cheng Shewo, Chen Bosheng, Xu Xusheng, Xu Deheng, Ren Shuyong, Jiang Menglin, Li Jizhi, and Ma Youyu as executive members, and Hu Shi as the president of the branch. The alliance is a united front organization, with participants from the Kuomintang liberals such as Cai Yuanpei, as well as liberal intellectuals such as Hu Shi, Lin Yutang, Yang Xingfo of the third party, as well as underground CCP members and sympathizers Soong Ching Ling, Hu Yuzhi, Lu Xun and others. Due to internal political differences, Hu Shi was expelled, and due to external oppression (Director General Yang Xingfo was assassinated), the China Civil Rights Protection Alliance disintegrated after half a year.

According to Sun Yat-sen's "National Government Building Outline", "the construction process is divided into three phases: the first is the military and political period, the second is the training and political period, and the third is the constitutional government period." (Note 16) Therefore, some factions in the Kuomintang, such as Sun Ke's "Prince Faction", demanded that the party ban be promptly lifted, the political training be ended, and the constitutional government be prepared after the "September 18 Incident". After the "July 7 Incident", when the country was in crisis, the Nationalist government opened up some political space. The "third force" has become the main force promoting the constitutional movement. The League of Democratic Political Groups led by Huang Yanpei, Zhang Junmai, Zuo Shunsheng, Liang Shuming, Zhang Bojun and others proposed in its political program "democratization of politics and nationalization of the military". This slogan was adopted by the "Program for Peaceful National Construction" unanimously adopted by the Political Consultative Conference in January 1946, and became a symbol of the peak of the constitutional movement.

As an opposition party, the CCP was once a participant in the constitutional movement. In September 1945, Mao Zedong told foreign reporters in Chongqing: "The 'free and democratic China' will be a country in which all levels of government down to the central government are elected by ordinary, equal and secret ballots, and the people who elect them will be elected. It will realize Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People, Lincoln's principle of the people for the people, and Roosevelt's Four Freedoms. It will guarantee the country's independence, unity, unity, and cooperation with all democratic powers." (Note 17) Regardless of Whether the speaker was sincere or not was indeed quite popular at the time. However, as a member of the international communist movement, the CCP cannot disobey Stalin's baton. When the Soviet Union and Western countries entered the Cold War, the CCP immediately shifted from a "new stage of peaceful democracy" to a full-scale civil war. The constitutional movement contributed to the birth of the "Constitution of the Republic of China", but it did not usher in China's constitutional democracy. Not only did the CCP not recognize this constitution, but the Kuomintang also imposed a state of martial law for a long time after it retreated to Taiwan.

After 1949, the Chinese democracy movement was divided into the mainland democracy movement and the Taiwan democracy movement. This article only deals with the mainland democracy movement. In the past 60 years, the mainland's democracy movement has experienced four upsurges: the May 19th Movement, the April 5th Movement, the Beijing Spring Movement, and the 1989 Democracy Movement, which will be introduced in sections below. In the last section of this article, I intend to briefly sort out the democratic movement in mainland China after the June 4th Movement.

(To be continued)

Author's Note:

1. Wang Haiguang: "People's Uprising and "Bandit Chaos": Taking the Grain Requisition When the CCP Takes Over Guizhou and Southwest China as an Example", in "Leader", No. 28.

2. Gao Wangling: "Peasants' Behaviour during the "Great Leap Forward", in Contemporary China Studies, No. 2, 2006.

3. Lenin: "What to Do? ", in "Selected Works of Lenin", Vol. 1, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1995 edition, 311 pages.

4. Li Shenzhi: "Revolution Overwhelms Democracy", http://www.chinaelections.org/newsinfo.asp?newsid=77097.

5. Sitani Tarot: "Power in Movement: Social Movements and the Politics of Struggle", Nanjing: Yilin Publishing House, 2005 Edition, 3-6 pages.

6. Liang Qichao: "Introduction to the Academics of the Qing Dynasty", in "The Collection of Drinking Ice Room", 8, Special Collection No. 34, 60 pages.

7. Liang Qichao: "On What Should Be Done in Hunan", in "The Collection of Drinking Ice Room", 1, Anthology No. 3, pp. 41, 43.

8. "Constitution is the foundation of everything", "Oriental Magazine" the second year, the 12th issue of "Society", quoted from Wei Qingyuan et al. "Constitutional History in the Late Qing Dynasty", Renmin University of China Press, 1993 edition, 100 pages.

9. In "The Collection of Drinking Ice Room", 7, the twenty-third album, pp. 22-23.

10. "Impressions on the Beijing National Disarmament Movement Conference", in "The Collection of Drinking Ice Room", Collected Works No. 36, pp. 22-23.

11. "The Significance and Value of Political Movements", in "The Collection of Drinking Ice Room", Collected Works No. 36, pp. 12-13.

12. Lenin: "Proletarian Revolution and Traitor Kautsky", in Selected Works of Lenin, Volume III, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1995 edition, 606 pages.

13. Hu Shi: "Human Rights and Covenant Law", in Ouyang Zhesheng ed.: "Hu Shi's Collected Works", 5, Peking University Press, 1998 edition, 525 pages.

14. Luo Longji: "On Human Rights", in Ouyang Zhesheng ed.: "Hu Shi's Collected Works", pp. 540-556.

15. Luo Longji: "Sue those who oppress freedom of speech", edited by Xie Yong: "Luo Longji: My Arrest and Disgust", China Youth Publishing House, 1999 edition, 79 pages.

16. Contains "The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen", Volume 9, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1986 edition, 126 pages.

17. "Answer to Reuters Reporter Gamber's Questions", in "The Collected Works of Mao Zedong", Vol. 4, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1996 edition, 27 pages.

Sixty Years of Democracy Movement in Mainland China (Part 2)

——Introduction to "Democracy Movement in China"

Chen Ziming

(continued from previous issue)

A Comparison of the Two "June 4th Incidents"

On June 4, 1989, two major events that shocked the world occurred: Chinese army tanks and armored vehicles suppressed the masses participating in the pro-democracy movement on the streets of Beijing; the Polish people used their own votes to send the leaders of Solidarity into Parliament. and government. These two events, one against another, contributed to the fall of the Berlin Wall, the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact, and the collapse of the Soviet Empire.

Why is there such a big contrast between the two "June 4th Incidents"? China's 1989 pro-democracy movement failed, but Poland's pro-democracy movement was a complete victory? This is a big subject for at least some of the reasons below, in my opinion.

After the baptism of three waves of reform after Stalin's death, the goal of "Su Dongbo" in 1989 was clear, that is, to replace the values of "dictatorship of the proletariat" with universal values ("new thinking") and to replace the one-party monopoly with parliamentary democracy , the situation in China is different. The first two reforms in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries were revisionist and social-democratic in nature, while the first two reforms in China led by Mao Zedong (the "Rectification Movement" and "Great Leap Forward" in the 1950s, the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s) ) did the opposite, replacing the Stalin model with the more authoritarian Mao Zedong model. The "May 19" movement, which was in line with the reform direction of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, was short-lived, its social foundation was weak, and its influence was very limited. Therefore, from the April 5th Movement to the 1989 Democracy Movement, the Chinese civil reform wave, in terms of its depth and breadth, is only equivalent to the level of East Germany, Poland and Hungary in the 1950s. It was also the democratic movement that took place in 1989. There was a "generational difference" between the goals of the "anti-official" movement in China and the goal of "Su Dongbo".

Throughout the 1980s, Solidarity in Poland was an organized political opposition with a more powerful organization behind it, the Catholic Church. The international community has given Solidarity strong support and assistance through various channels. In terms of its origin, the Polish regime is a puppet regime introduced and supported by the Soviet Red Army, so the opposition movement can rely on the "soft power" of nationalism. (The Taiwanese democracy movement in the same period also had the social background of "provincial nationality contradiction.") These conditions were not available in the mainland China democracy movement in the 1980s. The student movement in 1985 consciously played the "anti-Japanese" card, but it did not have extensive social mobilization power at that time.

Solidarity in Poland has the full support of intellectuals. In 1989, the working class and the intellectual class had become one of the two social pillars of opposition. However, the demands of the Chinese working class to "fight against government corruption" and "anti-corruption" and the demands of the intellectual class (including college students) to "struggle for democracy" and "struggle for freedom (freedom of the press, freedom of association)" have not been fully matched, so that in 5 Industrial workers in the capital, Beijing, failed to show their strength at a critical moment in late March. In the late 1990s, quite a few laid-off workers expressed to me that they regretted that they had not been more actively involved in the 1989 pro-democracy movement. If the working class had spoken out and showed its strength at that time, there would have been no tens of millions of industrial workers in the future. The situation of being "eliminated".

Deng Xiaoping said in his "June 9th" speech: "The most advantageous thing is that we have a large number of old comrades alive... They support resolute action against the riots." (Note 14) In 1989, the first leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries A generation of leaders is gone. Jaruzelski, born in 1923, is at best the second generation, and Gorbachev, born in 1931, is the third generation. Due to the "intergenerational" difference, there is a considerable distance between the ideas of state governance of Yaruzelski and Gorbachev and the dictatorship consciousness of Deng Xiaoping, who was born in 1904. Even if they belong to the first generation of leaders, if Deng Xiaoping was not in charge, they would not necessarily mobilize hundreds of thousands of regular troops to suppress the people. In the above speech, Deng Xiaoping said that among the "old comrades" there were "some comrades who didn't understand for a while" (Note 15), referring to Xu Xiangqian, Nie Rongzhen, Zhang Aiping, Ye Fei and other old Red Army soldiers who opposed the transfer of troops into cities and towns to suppress the people. What even the Beiyang warlords and Kuomintang soldiers could not do, Deng Xiaoping could do, which is why Mao Zedong admired him. Mao once praised Deng for "opening a steel company" (Note 16). After Deng Xiaoping presided over the suppression of the May 19 pro-democracy movement, Mao Zedong made him the "deputy commander" of the "steel company" of the CCP, and Mao himself claimed that "Pretty handsome". (Note 17) The so-called "steel company" means being lawless, fearless to "letter a letter" (Note 18), and able to use all violent means to implement dictatorship with ruthlessness. Except for Mao and Deng, even the first-generation leaders of the CCP, such as Liu Shaoqi, Peng Dehuai, and Ye Jianying, are not qualified to be the bosses of "steel companies." Deng Xiaoping's mastery of military power was actually the primary reason for the "June 4th" massacre.

The Soviet Union and Eastern European countries have basically completed urbanization in the 1980s. Most of the officers and soldiers of the army are children of urban residents. It is very difficult to shoot at their parents, family and neighbors. It was the defections of some military and police officers ordered to suppress, which led to the instant subversion of the autocratic regime. Not so in China, where Mao Zedong delayed China's urbanization process for 20 years and led to serious urban-rural divisions and antagonisms. An army mainly composed of peasant children accepted the order of a vicious dictator and used tanks to suppress the largest civil movement in modern Chinese history. This is the historical destiny of the 1989 democracy movement.

6. Democracy Movement after June Fourth

The democratic movement after "June 4th" has a significant difference from the aforementioned democratic movement, that is, it broke away from the entanglement with the line struggle and factional struggle within the CCP, and became a completely independent political movement. This is first and foremost an advantage, enabling it to clearly put forward a goal similar to "Su Dongbo" - ending the one-party dictatorship and establishing constitutional democracy; but it is also a disadvantage, preventing it from using legitimate campaign resources to influence society Breadth of mobilization.

From secret societies to charter movements

This article divides the democratic movement in mainland China after the "June 4th" into three stages. The first phase, from 1989 to 1992, was characterized by a fragmented underground resistance movement. The second phase, from 1993 to 2002, was characterized by an open political opposition movement. The third stage was from 2003 to 2009, and this stage was characterized by the movement from rights protection to charter movements, and the scale of the movement continued to expand.

After the "June 4th", there were major crackdowns, major raids, major trials, and major exodus. Even in such a severe political situation, secret associations and underground resistance movements appeared all over the country. In the early 1990s, I was serving a sentence in the Beijing No. 2 Prison. I learned that among the political prisoners, there were several founders of an underground publication who wanted to be sentenced for the "June 4th" tie: Han Gang, 28 years old, editor-in-chief of "Starting Line", Arrested in July 1989 and sentenced to 12 years in prison; Chen Yanbin, 29 years old, editor-in-chief of "Tie Liu", arrested in September 1990 and sentenced to 15 years in prison; Zhang Yafei, 28 years old, editor of "Tie Liu", September 1990 Arrested and sentenced to 11 years in prison; Shang Ziwen, 35 years old, editor of "Zhongsheng", arrested in April 1991 and sentenced to 6 years in prison; Sun Liyong, 33 years old, editor-in-chief of "Zhongsheng", arrested in May 1991 and sentenced to 7 years in prison year.

In 1991, Hubei citizen Zhang Minpeng and others secretly formed the Chinese Republican Party, with the goal of "overthrowing dictatorship and re-creating republic" as their struggle program. Soon they were suppressed by the authorities. Zhang Minpeng was sentenced to 5 years by the Wuhan Intermediate People's Court for "counter-revolutionary crime". imprisonment. In the same year, teachers from Beijing Language Institute Hu Shigen and Wang Guoqi established the China Liberal Democratic Party. Hu Shigen also participated in the "China Progress Alliance" organization established by Kang Yuchun and others. In December 1991, Hu Shigen, Liu Jingsheng, Gao Yuxiang and others established the "China Free Trade Union Preparatory Committee". Hu Shigen drafted the "China Liberal Democracy Political Program", "China Liberal Democracy Articles of Association" and other propaganda materials of the Liberal Democratic Party and the Free Trade Union. In April and May of 1992, Hu Shigen, Liu Jingsheng and others prepared to distribute and post leaflets in Beijing, Shanghai, Wuhan and other places during the anniversary of the "June 4th", and prepared to use model helicopters to disseminate the protest "June 4th" over Tiananmen Square. "The Slaughter Flyer. On May 27, 1992, Hu Shigen was arrested, and other members of the China Liberal Democratic Party were subsequently arrested. Hu Shigen was sentenced to 20 years, Kang Yuchun 17 years, Liu Jingsheng 15 years, Wang Guoqi 11 years, Chen Wei, Lu Zhigang, Zhang Chunzhu, Wang Tiancheng, An Ning 5 years, and many others were sentenced and detained for review.

After Deng Xiaoping's "Southern Tour" in 1992, the political climate eased, and the pro-democracy movement resurfaced and made a public appearance. In November 1993, Zhou Guoqiang, Qin Yongmin, Song Shuyuan, Yang Zhou, Liu Nianchun, Chen Lv, Li Hai, Qian Yumin, Sha Yuguang and others signed and promulgated the "Peace Charter" (draft), demanding that the "June 4th" be rehabilitated and the "Open Party ban". In 1994, during the first "medical parole", the author wrote the article "China's Political Opposition in 1995", pointing out that "the promotion from dissidents to political opposition is already a living reality", "The opposition must have its own unique position, attitude and approach, and never confuse itself with any faction within the ruling party." However, "a rational and responsible opposition has staunch supporters and a wide range of allies in the intellectual circles, the general public and the ruling party. The opposition should use its wisdom and confidence to inspire and unite people from all walks of life to participate in the struggle for democracy. The grand cause of transformation.” “There are five things the opposition can do in 1990: political dialogue, current political criticism, legislative advocacy, historical writing and preparation for election.”

In 1995, the open democracy movement reached a climax. In February, Bao Zunxin, Wang Ruoshui, Chen Ziming, Xu Wenli, Liu Xiaobo, Chen Xiaoping, Zhou Duo, Wu Xuecan, Min Qi, Sha Yuguang, Liao Yiwu, Jin Cheng and others submitted the Anti-Corruption Proposal and the Anti-Corruption Proposal to the Third Session of the Eighth National People's Congress. Two open letters to abolish detention and review to protect personal liberty; Liu Nianchun, Huang Xiang, Wang Dan, Wang Donghai, Chen Longde and others submitted the "Proposal on Abolition of Re-education through Labor" to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. In May, Xu Liangying, Lou Shiyi, Yang Xianyi, Zhou Fucheng, Wu Zuguang, Lin Mu, Ding Zilin, Jiang Peikun, Jiang Qisheng and others published an appeal letter "Welcome to the "United Nations Year of Tolerance" and Call for the Realization of Domestic Tolerance; Wang Zhihong, Wang Dan, Bao Zunxin, Liu Nianchun, Liu Xiaobo, Chen Xiaoping, Jiang Qisheng, etc. initiated and published "Lessons from Blood, Promoting Democracy and the Rule of Law - An Appeal for the Sixth Anniversary of "June 4th"; Ding Zilin, Zhang Xianling, Li Xuewen, Zhou Shuzhuang, Xu Jue, etc. "Tiananmen Mothers" sent a letter to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, proposing to "form a special investigation committee on the June 4 incident to conduct an independent and impartial investigation into the entire incident" and "publish the investigation results to the people of the whole country, including the June 4 incident. The list of the deceased and the number of the deceased”, and “to oblige the relevant government departments to make an account of the case to the relatives of the deceased according to legal procedures” three requirements. The authorities arrested Wang Dan, Liu Xiaobo, Liu Nianchun and others around the sixth anniversary of June 4th, and put Chen Ziming back in prison, suppressing this wave of political dialogue.

In February 1997, Deng Xiaoping died. From Jiang Zemin's visit to the United States to Clinton's visit to China, there has been a political "sunny spring" in mainland China, and the democratic movement has become active again. On June 20, 1998, Qin Yongmin established China Human Rights Watch in Wuhan. On June 25, Zhejiang Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai and Lin Hui submitted the "Application for the Establishment of the China Democracy Party" to the local government department and announced the "Declaration of the Establishment of the China Democracy Party". Subsequently, opposition figures in several provinces such as Qin Yongmin and Xie Wanjun also submitted applications for the establishment of the China Democracy Party. On November 9th, Xu Wenli and others held a meeting in Beijing, announcing the establishment of the Beijing and Tianjin China Democracy Party Headquarters, with Xu Wenli as the chairman of the party committee, Zha Jianguo and Gao Hongming as the vice chairmen, and He Depu as the chairman of the supervisory committee. The conference was electrified to the whole country. In 2001, the first national congress of China Democracy Party was held. Authorities took crackdown measures at the end of the year and sentenced Xu Wenli to 13 years in prison, Qin Yongmin 12 years and Wang Youcai 11 years. However, this has not been able to stop the development of the Democratic Party formation movement. By the end of 1999, 28 provinces and cities across the country had established Democratic Party headquarters, with more than 1,000 party members. Authorities also continued their crackdown, arresting more than 300 party members across the country and sentenced more than 30 to prison terms.

The "98 Group Party Movement" brought together the participants of the two democratic movements of the Beijing Spring and the 1989 Democracy Movement. The former includes Xu Wenli, Ren Wanding, Qin Yongmin, He Depu, Zha Jianguo, Gao Hongming, Wang Zechen, Xiao Lijun, Wang Wenjiang, Yue Tianxiang, Yao Fuxin, Xiao Yunliang, Zhu Yufu and others; the latter includes Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai, Liu Shizun, Liu Xianbin, Wu Yilong, Xie Wanjun, Zhu Zhengming, Tang Yuanjun, She Wanbao and others. However, the weakness of this movement is that due to the containment and suppression by the authorities, and the distance between the movement's goals and the vital interests of the majority of the people, the scope of the movement is basically limited to the circle of the "old fighters" of the democratic movement.

After entering the new century, with the rapid popularization of the Internet, and the control measures of the authorities have not kept up for a while, the Internet has become an important tool for the democratic movement in mainland China. A generation younger than the parties involved in the April 5th Movement, the Beijing Spring Movement, and the 1989 Democracy Movement entered the stage of the democratic movement, leading the trend of the times in the Internet field. "Mo Zhixu"), Li Yonggang, Fan Yafeng, etc., and some people always use their "screen names" to show people. The focus of attention has gradually shifted from political protection of human rights to safeguarding the social rights of vulnerable groups. In 2003, movements named "New Civil Rights Movement" or "Human Rights Movement" appeared. In the rights protection movement, the role of rights protection lawyers has been highlighted. As early as 1994, the author pointed out in the article "Democracy in China: From Talking to Doing": "Due to the professional characteristics of lawyers, anti-privilege and anti-corruption will provide them with 'selective' incentives, which will happen to them individually. They will combine their personal motives with the creation of public wealth. With the close cooperation of the legal profession and the domestic and foreign press, a civil supervision network will gradually be formed, and a new generation of political figures will emerge from it. "Zhang Sizhi, Mo Shaoping, Pu Zhiqiang, Gao Zhisheng, Li Baiguang, Li Heping, Xu Zhiyong, Zhu Jiuhu, Teng Biao, Zheng Enchong, Zhang Xingshui, Jiang Tianyong and others are the leaders in the group of human rights lawyers.

In December 2008, the "Charter 08 Movement" initiated by Liu Xiaobo, Zhang Zuhua and others showed the arrival of a new upsurge in the mainland's democracy movement. The greatest significance of this incident is not that Charter 08 summarizes the basic concepts and basic propositions of China's constitutional democracy movement—these concepts and propositions have been included in a series of joint statements and declarations over the past ten years. It is because of the large number of real-name co-signers and the wide range of levels—there are not only "democracy activists" in a narrow sense outside the system, but also retired cadres, deans, professors, and literary and artistic celebrities within the system. There are both intellectuals and white-collar workers, as well as people from the bottom of the country. The democratic movement must have extensive social mobilization and social participation in order to have a substantial impact on the current system and thus promote the transformation of the system.

Democracy movement and democratization process

The democratic movement is the driving force of the democratization process, but it is not the only one. The democratic movement is the easily observable surface of the democratization process, the part of the iceberg that has surfaced, not the entirety of it.

Scholars have studied various factors influencing the transition to democratization: including general social development (population size, economic growth, educational penetration, etc.), including structural changes in society (urban-rural structure, ownership structure, class and class structure, etc.) changes), as well as the evolution of political culture (changes in mainstream ideology, shaking of the self-confidence of the ruling group, people’s expectations for the future, etc.). Democracy movements are catalysts for social change and institutional transformation. We have already seen the important roles played by the April 5 Movement, the Beijing Spring Movement, and the 1989 Democracy Movement in the profound changes in Chinese society over the past three decades—the disintegration of the general society, the development of the market economy, and the recovery of civil society. . We will also see the crucial role that the democratic movement will play in China's democratization transformation in the future.

The establishment of a democratic system is a public property of the whole society. Olson said: "Large groups or potential groups have no incentive to produce public goods at all...only individual and 'selective' incentives can motivate rational individuals in a potential group to work towards group goals." (Note 19 ) Democracy participants who fight for democracy need a character similar to the saints in some religions: they are willing to wear crowns of thorns, be crucified, and put at the stake in order to save all beings, but they do not demand that others Do the same, don’t ask others to pay the same price as yourself, and don’t ask them to repay their efforts, and even repay their grievances with virtue for their incomprehension and hostility toward others.

A citizen committed to China's democratization can either choose to join the democratic movement or engage in the mundane work of promoting democratization. As a scholar, translating a theoretical work on democracy in various countries; as a teacher, educating students on civics in the classroom; as a lawyer, representing an administrative lawsuit against "people suing officials"; as a reporter , truthfully introduce the truth about elections in foreign countries... These scattered and sporadic activities do not necessarily constitute an integral part of the democratic movement, but they actually contribute to the cause of democratization.

When it comes to democratic movements, it is often associated with failures, setbacks, and sacrifices. However, Liang Qichao said long ago: "The value of a national movement is limitless in politics itself and in national education. A movement on a political issue, although there are successes or failures, can be seen from the meaning of political education. Come on, there is no such thing as success or failure. Every national political movement always succeeds—even if it fails, it can be considered a success. , nothing can be done, so the national movement has only success, not failure.” (Note 20) Chinese people must constantly sum up the experience and lessons of the democratic movement, in order to “cultivate the qualifications of being a citizen of the republic”, to turn setbacks into success, and to finally turn around. Lose to win.

He Jiadong said: People often associate tradition with success, but it is impossible to form the greatest and profound tradition without experiencing repeated failures, persevering in failures, and learning from failures. In Western society, both liberal and social-democratic parties have experienced political failures and setbacks for decades to hundreds of years before they transformed from opposition parties and opposition parties to political parties in the DPRK and ruling parties. There can be no political maturity without a long period of opposition, and it is in this sense that people say "failure is the mother of success". In China after 1949, in the "Sound Release" movement, the "Cultural Revolution" movement and the "Beijing Spring" movement, there have been groups of people with lofty ideals fighting for democracy, but their names, their words, their The pursuit, in the mass media, in the memory of most people, is now annihilated. If every failure means death, or even destruction, the loser will become the lone ghost of history. We must remember the deeds of the losers, stick to the beliefs of the losers, preserve the heirs of the losers, and learn the lessons of the losers. This is not only a moral responsibility, but also a prerequisite for China's democratic cause to move from failure to victory. (Note 21)

The author once pointed out that the forces driving China's democratization are diverse, including three major forces. The first is the “democracy movement” force in the narrow sense outside the system, the second is the “rights protection” force inside and outside the system, and the third is the democratization force within the system. The "democracy movement" in the narrow sense has a clear and open political appeal: to replace the totalitarian dictatorship with a constitutional democratic system. The "rights defense" forces directly seek human rights, group interests and individual rights. If "rights protection" achieves concrete results one by one, it is actually gradually dismantling the Communist Party's unified rule. The democratizing forces within the system only have some obscure political expressions, and some people are even “hiding their strengths and keeping a low profile”, but they silently contribute to democratization in various ways and accumulate various resources for the breakthrough of democratization. Therefore, these three forces are all "democracy" forces in a broad sense. (Note 22) Promoting China's democratization requires division of labor, cooperation, and coordination. It is necessary to further carry out democratic enlightenment and civic education; to restore historical truth and explore democratic traditions; to systematically analyze and criticize existing systems and policies; to strive for and safeguard various human and civil rights; to design a new national development strategy, political platform and constitutional government It is necessary to launch elections, amend the constitution, and form a party at an appropriate time to achieve a breakthrough in China's democratization. (Note 23)

(To be continued)

Author's Note:

(14) Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Volume III, 302 pages.

(15) Ibid.

(16) "Records of the People's Republic of China", Volume III, (Part 2), Changchun: Jilin People's Publishing House, 1994 edition, 1146 pages.

(17) "Manuscripts of Mao Zedong since the founding of the People's Republic of China", Volume 8, Beijing: Central Literature Publishing House, 1993 edition, 196 pages.

(18) Liu Shaoqi once said to Mao Zedong: "So many people starved to death, and history should be written about you and me, people cannibalize each other, and it should be written!" See Gao Xiaoyan's interview with Liu Yuan and He Jiadong, November 20, 1998 "Southern Weekend".

(19) Olson: The Logic of Collective Action, Taipei: Yuanliu Publishing Co., Ltd., 1991 edition, 58 pages.

(20) "Foreign Affairs and Internal Affairs", "Bingbing Room Collection", Collected Works No. 37, pp. 45-47.

(21) He Jiadong: "Persistence in Failure, Learning from Failure", edited by Chen Zihua: Preface to "Rebirth", Hong Kong: Der Spiegel Press, 2004 edition.

(22) Chen Ziming: "Multiple Forces Promoting Democratization", http://minzhuzhongguo.org/Article/sf/200702/20070211150931.shtml.

(23) Chen Ziming: "The Chinese at Home and Abroad Work Together", in Zhang Weiguo ed.: "The Biography of the Forerunner of Democracy in Contemporary China", Hong Kong: New Century Publishing House, 2006 edition.

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