The Fifth Republic (Part 1): Suspended Democracy and Revived Despotism 1

The Fifth Republic (Part 2): An interesting power struggle and subsequent democratization movement 3

The Fifth Republic (Part 3) There is a future only if we remember history 5

The Fifth Republic (Part 1): Suspended Democracy and Revived Despotism

The Korean drama 'The Fifth Republic', released in 2005, fully captured the dictatorship of the military led by Chun Doo-hwan after the assassination of Park Chung-hee, and also depicted the indomitable struggle of the Korean people to pursue it. Freedom and democracy. The best political history drama from the Fifth Republic era of the 1980s.

After interested people translated the subtitles, the play spread and caused quite a stir among some Chinese people interested in politics and history. This is mainly because the history of the Fifth Republic is similar to that of China. For example, the 'Gwangju Incident' is quite similar to China's 'June 4 Incident', so it can gain public sympathy. However, due to political reasons in China, it is currently impossible to film movies based on China's modern and contemporary political history, so interest in Korean dramas is also growing.

Unlike most Korean dramas that focus on love, ethics, and legends, 'The Fifth Republic' is a serious historical drama. In addition to the artistic processing and interpretation of the details of the characters and events that appear in it, the main content of the play is thoroughly based on historical facts, and has elaborate historical data and excellent directing skills. Through this play, you can gain a general understanding of Korea's era of fierce competition between dictatorship and democracy, and between conservatives and progressives. feed).

In the introduction of the play, the assassination of Park Chung-hee and the changes in South Korea's political, military, and intelligence sectors over a period of one month (October 26 - December 12, 1979) are restored in detail. The description in this article is based on plays and historical sources.

Kim Jae-gyu, who was the head of the Central Intelligence Agency at the time, killed both Cha Ji-cheol, head of the security department, and Park Chung-hee, the dictator of the 4th Republic, for personal reasons. Originally, South Korea may have put an end to the so-called 'Restoration System' (i.e., the dictatorship established by the Park family) in order to achieve democratization. The three powerful figures at the time, including Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa, Acting President Choi Kyu-ha, and Park Chung-hee's assassin Kim Jae-gyu, supported the cessation of military intervention in politics. We will move the Republic of Korea toward democracy. The opposition Democratic Party members, represented by Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung, have devoted themselves to democracy in Korea. After the assassination of Park Chung-hee, the opposition party secretly celebrated, thinking that democracy was coming soon.

However, at this time, Chun Doo-hwan, a close associate whom Park Chung-hee had trained in the military during his lifetime, was dissatisfied with the provisional rulers' democratic attitude and indifference to Park Chung-hee's assassination, and quietly prepared to attack the latter. Park Chung-hee is kind to Chun Doo-hwan, and Chun Doo-hwan is also loyal to Park Chung-hee. Chun Doo-hwan relied on the secret organization 'Hanmaeumhoe', which was mainly composed of graduates of the Armed Forces Noncommissioned Officers' Academy, and summoned a large number of high-ranking military officers who were conservative in their thinking and faithful to the 'reform system'. Forces hostile to progressive forces and opposed to the implementation of democracy, such as Roh Tae-woo, Jeong Ho-ryong, Hwang Yong-si, Woo Seol-seong, Park Hee-do, and Jang Si-dong, staged a coup d'état, leading to the Park Chung-hee era.

About the coup plot, Zheng Shenghe and other temporary powers knew little and did not announce the beginning of democratization. Instead, he arrested Kim Jae-gyu and compromised with Park Chung-hee's 'Lottery Party'. Democratic Party members like Erjin of the opposition party are overly optimistic about the situation, ignoring the strength of Park Chung-hee's legacy and once again underestimating the risk of military intervention in politics. The forces supporting democratization lacked mutual trust and interaction, were unable to unite effectively, were unable to actively build a framework for democratic politics, and were unable to mobilize the people to participate in protecting democracy, leaving the Republic of Korea at a time when it was in a real political situation. vacuum. This gave Quan Douhuan and others the opportunity to seize power in a coup.

On the night of December 12, 1979, Chun Doo-hwan's group staged a coup. They first used the 30th Guards Regiment and the Security Command stationed in the capital to arrest Chief of Staff Chung Seung-heo using a "catch the thief first" approach. Then, the coup forces scattered throughout South Korea, including the 1st Air Transport Brigade and the 3rd Air Transport Brigade, quickly advanced towards the capital. Security force commander Jang Tae-wan and other anti-coup soldiers launched a counterattack, but Chun Doo-hwan was already leading the way. He also mastered the advanced military telephone surveillance system at the time and knew the anti-coup party's every move. Through this, the coup forces were able to successfully pass through strategic points such as Heungju Bridge and arrive in Seoul smoothly.

The fact that Choi Gyu-ha, the nominal supreme leader and acting president, signed a document agreeing to the arrest of Jeong Saeng-hwa through coercion by Chun Doo-hwan and others was tantamount to tacitly acknowledging the legitimacy of the coup. Cui Guixia was actually under house arrest at the time, and it is understandable that he was forced to sign. However, Roh Jae-hyun, the Supreme Military Representative and Minister of National Defense, chose to escape his residence with his family after the coup, so the coup party and rebels were unable to find him. At a critical moment. Noh Jae-hyun's actions objectively condoned Chun Doo-hwan's coup. If he had stood on the anti-coup side and called for resistance in the name of the Minister of Defense, the coup might have been suppressed.

In the "Double Twelve Coup", the struggle against the coup was sporadic, sporadic, and passive. In contrast, the coup forces, including Chun Doo-hwan, acted highly united, meticulously, clearly, and quickly, and very resolutely strangled the buds of democracy through violent means. Even at that time, the high government and the majority of the people generally believed in democracy and it was difficult to deal with soldiers with live ammunition. During important transitions and turbulent times in history, the attitude of the military often plays a decisive role. Especially when a large number of high-ranking officers collude due to interests and personal relationships, even the majority on the side of justice can sit and wait for death because they have no weapons. You can turn history around with just one gunshot.

External forces are also very important in the failure of the coup and the direction of the country. The United States tolerated Chun Doo-hwan's launch of the 'Double Twelve Incidents'. From the assassination of Park Chung-hee to the coup d'état, the United States has always taken 'non-interference' as its basic principle. It only cares about the U.S. political and military presence in South Korea and the threat from North Korea, and does not care whether South Korea is a democracy or a dictatorship. This attitude became even more noticeable in the subsequent Gwangju Incident.

Contrary to the intuitive impression of some Chinese intellectuals who view the United States as a 'beacon of democracy,' the United States does not actively promote democracy around the world and often supports right-wing authoritarian regimes. Everyone from Vietnam's Ngo Dinh Diem to Chile's Pinochet has been promoted in the United States. The Syngman Rhee government supported by the United States before and after the Korean War was also a semi-authoritarian regime. The United States' greatest expectation for Korea is not to transform Korea, but to fight 'socialist countries' such as China, the Soviet Union, and North Korea and form an anti-communist fortress in East Asia along with Japan. To an American-style democracy. This is judged to be the United States' invocation of the 'Double Twelve Incident' against Chun Doo-hwan, and it is inevitable to condone and condone rather than intervene and block.

When the coup succeeded, Chun Doo-hwan quickly suppressed the Democratic Party. Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung were placed under house arrest, and key members of the main opposition New Democratic Party were arrested one after another. The repression of the labor and student movements was severe, and an atmosphere of white terror prevailed in South Korea. Against this historical background, a large-scale people's movement broke out in Gwangju in May 1980, and Chun Doo-hwan sent the military to suppress it, causing the bloody 'Gwangju Incident'.

At the same time, Kwon Doo-hwan took steps toward supreme power and carried out a major reorganization of the government and military. High-ranking public officials who advocate for democracy were dismissed or retired one after another, and Chairman Kyu-ha Choi was also forced to resign. The high-ranking military officials involved in the "Two Twelve Coup" were all promoted and held various confidential positions in the military and political circles. In August 1980, Chun Doo-hwan was "elected" president by a parliament he controlled, officially establishing the dictatorship of the Fifth Republic led by Chun Doo-hwan.

Since the assassination of Park Chung-hee, an already collapsing dictatorship has continued, and democracy, which had just shown hope, has been brutally stifled. Among the remnants of the old regime, the direction of the military played a decisive role. However, a series of mistakes and missteps by people from all walks of life who pursued democratization fueled the arrogance of Park Chung-hee's remnants and pushed Korea back into a military dictatorship.

The Fifth Republic (Part 2): Interesting power struggle and subsequent democratization movement

As mentioned earlier, after the Fifth Republic was officially established, Chun Doo-hwan quickly assigned his close associates to various key positions. But his associates also split into factions, and over the next few years they became embroiled in a power struggle within the Five Communist Party regimes.

Quan Douhuan's trusted and appointed aides are four young cadres known as "Three Xu and One Li", excluding a group of senior generals who follow him. These are Xu Heping, who was responsible for the creation of the Five Communist Parties, Xu Sanshu, who was in charge of internal affairs, Xu Wendao, who manipulated public opinion, and Li Hefeng, who managed information and 'communist affairs.'

The common characteristics of these four people are that they are young, capable, talented, and loyal. In particular, unlike the eagles with face makeup, the political attitudes and personality traits of the four people are also different. Among them, Xu Heping is the sharpest and has the greatest political ambition. On the one hand, it actively suppressed the pro-democracy movement and helped Chun Doo-hwan come to power, but it also devoted itself to promoting a kind of 'political innovation' dominated by conservative forces. Handling military and political affairs Xu Wendao is a talented but stubbornly conservative feudal defender who became the "chief architect" of the stranglehold on freedom of speech during the five communist parties. Li Hepeng, like a "fire chief", is responsible for suppressing the pro-democracy movement everywhere. The political enemy who attacked Chun Doo-hwan was the leader of the 5th Communist Party political gang, a right-wing version of Dzerzhinsky.

Quan Douhuan appointed these four men not only because of their talent and loyalty, but also because they tried to restrain senior generals. Compared to high-ranking military officials who were appointed as 'foreign affairs' officials such as Roh Tae-woo, Jeong Ho-yong, and Kwon Yi-hyun, '3 Su, 1 Ri' is the foundation of Chun Doo-hwan. "inner court". And Zhang Shidong, who was later appointed Minister of Security and Enterprise, can also be largely considered a member of the "Inner Dynasty".

After the Fifth Communist Party was founded, not only did a fierce conflict arise between the two factions, but serious discord broke out within each faction, causing all parties to fight openly and secretly for power. The 'Jangryeongja Incident', a major fraud case that occurred in the early days of the 5th Communist Party, sparked conflict between various factions, and Kwon Doo-hwan's wife, Lee Sun-ja, and her younger brother, Kwon Gyeong-hwan, were also involved and had an impact. In order to realize his political ambitions, Xu Heping tried to use this opportunity to overthrow Chun Doo-hwan's "gang of relatives" and suppress a group of high-ranking generals. However, in the end, Xu Heping was exiled to the United States by Quan Douhuan, and Xu Sanshou was later driven out of the power center. Meanwhile, Seo Won-do and Lee Hap-bong 'struggle to the end' for Chun Doo-hwan's dictatorship.

The relationship between Chun Doo-hwan and his second-in-command, Roh Tae-woo, is also an important clue to the power struggle of the Five Communist Parties. To Lu Tae-woo, Chun Doo-hwan has both trust and defense. Chun Doo-hwan had the issue of a successor in mind from the beginning of his administration. After weighing in, he thinks Lu Taew is the most suitable candidate. Although he supported Lu Taiwu to become the second-highest figure in the Chinese Communist Party, he did not want Lu Taiwu to threaten his presidency. The two were sometimes close and sometimes distant. Roh Tae-woo spent seven years under the Chun Doo-hwan government, “following the king like a tiger.” Of course, in the end, Roh Tae-woo succeeded Chun Doo-hwan without risk and became the first president of the 6th Republic. The delicate relationship between Quan and Lu will be faced by every country's dictator and successor. Compared to the political struggles between the 'boss' and the 'second son' in many countries such as the Soviet Union and China, Roh Tae-woo can be said to be quite lucky.

Although there was constant political struggle during the era of the Fifth Communist Party, Chun Doo-hwan's political techniques were quite outstanding, and he did not allow the power struggle to affect his major policies, and the system always maintained a high level of stability.

Simultaneous with the power struggle, there is also a democratization movement launched by South Korea's opposition parties and non-state forces. Although the Gwangju Democratization Movement was brutally suppressed, the struggle of all walks of life in Korea did not stop. The most active among them are Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung. Jin Yong-san and others formed the ‘Democracy Promotion Association’ and organized gatherings and rallies through methods such as group hiking and insisted on a struggle against the Chun Doo-hwan regime. When the struggle was fierce, Kim Young-sam also mobilized hunger strikes. Although these measures did not directly shake up the Chun Doo-hwan regime, they kept the flame of democracy alive and protected the people with a considerable amount of opposition.

Kim Dae-jung is even more feared by the authorities. Kim Dae-jung, who narrowly lost to Park Chung-hee in the presidential election, was a thorn in the side of Park Chung-hee, Chun Doo-hwan and their minions. In 1973, the then Minister of Central Intelligence decided to assassinate Kim Dae-jung to restore Park Chung-hee's power. However, the assassination was detected by American intelligence, and the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Forces prevented South Korean intelligence from drowning Kim Dae-jung. After Chun Doo-hwan came to power, Kim Dae-jung was imprisoned and sentenced to death (later changed to life imprisonment). In 1982, under pressure from the international community, Chun Doo-hwan's authorities deported Kim Dae-jung to the United States. During his stay in the United States, Kim Dae-jung became a visiting scholar at Harvard University and continued his dedication to democracy in Korea. In 1985, Kim Dae-jung returned to Korea and again became the leader of the opposition party, following Kim Young-sam.

During the 5th Communist Party, Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung made cooperation the mainstream, but did not completely merge. Conversely, the political views and personalities of the two men are very different. Kim Young-sam tends to compromise with conservative forces and has moderate thoughts. Kim Dae-jung is a distinct opposition party with a clear leftist leaning. Kim Young-sam's influence in his hometown of Gyeongnam is unrivaled, and Eo Kim Dae-jung has an overwhelming advantage in Jeollanam-do, so each has his own base.

Under the dictatorships of Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan, the two actively communicated and cooperated most of the time and held many important meetings. However, at the end of the 5th Communist Party, the two eventually broke up due to political differences and a fight over political interests. The two officially split in the 1987 presidential election. As a result, Roh Tae-woo, who was originally in a disadvantageous situation, was unexpectedly able to win the general election in a "1 rupee for 3 gold" situation (there is also Kim Jong-bi of the Republican Party), and the rule of conservative authoritarian forces. It continued for several years after the opening of the 6th Republic.

The Chun Doo-hwan regime was scratching its head as it attempted to suppress successive democratization movements. For opposition political leaders such as Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung, tactics such as house arrest and exile were adopted. More direct violent means are used against general democratization movements, student movements, and social activists.

The Chun Doo-hwan regime established the 'Samcheong Education Corps' under the pretext of war against the underworld and dispatched tens of thousands of social activists, young students, and soldiers who opposed the former regime. Chun Doo-hwan), former security commander Jang Chang-seong), delinquents and other 'socially unstable elements' were imprisoned in camps similar to Chinese labor camps and subjected to various harsh acts such as frequent beatings, forced labor, corporal punishment, and starvation. In all, more than 400 people were killed and thousands more were disabled or mentally ill. Through these means, the Chun Doo-hwan regime suppressed forces threatening the system, maintained social stability, and achieved good law and order on the surface.

In response to the student movement, the Chun Doo-hwan administration also launched a dismantling movement called the 'greening project'. Through coercion and inducement, the military intelligence department had some students who were targeted or arrested act as spies for the regime. They infiltrated the student movement organization and provided related information to the military intelligence department, then arrested key members of the student movement and destroyed the school. Causes of the Student Movement Some young, weak-willed students were forced to act as spies for the regime, betraying their classmates and revolutionary colleagues. This method actually dealt a huge blow to the South Korean student movement, led to the arrest of many key figures in the student movement, and aroused mutual suspicion even among progressive students. There are also students who betray their classmates, leave a suicide note, confess to suicide out of guilt, and then pretend to be spies. These tragedies are all due to the divisive actions of the Chun Doo-hwan regime.

In the case of the media, Chun Doo-hwan accepted Seo Moon-do's suggestion of 'abolition and abolition of public opinion' and implemented a news censorship system and strictly controlled the reporting of 'Chosun Ilbo', 'Dong-A Ilbo', and 'JoongAng Ilbo'. " and other media. They spread information unfavorable to the Chun Doo-hwan regime. Although it is much less powerful than its neighbors across the sea, this language control is the most stringent and systematic since the founding of the Republic of Korea. In the process of suppressing freedom of the press, it was born in the media world. Xu Wendao, who took refuge in Chun Doo-hwan, played a very bad role. Xu Wendao is a typical dangerous product with talent but no morals. He is a highly educated villain with both journalistic talent and ultra-conservative thinking.

Like all dictatorships, the Chun Doo-hwan regime uses external threats to increase the legitimacy of its rule and win the hearts of the people. The Chun Doo-hwan regime is exaggerating the threat of North Korea's construction of the Geumgangsan Dam against South Korea, diverting public attention from domestic constitutional amendment and election system issues, and reducing pressure on the regime for reform. In addition, the National Intelligence Service strengthened white terror by making up a general criminal case as a false 'Golden Jade Division espionage case' and used this as an excuse to intensify the offensive of left-wing forces in the country.

The Chun Doo-hwan regime wielded a 'big stick' to attack the opposition party while also giving 'carrots' to the people. Chun Doo-hwan, following the suggestion of Itochu Corporation Chairman Ryuzo Sejima, downplayed the impact of the Gwangju incident and attempted to immerse the people in illusory national pride and entertainment by hosting the Olympics.

The Chun Doo-hwan regime's series of moves indeed maintained the dictatorship in the short to medium term and hit liberal democratic forces hard. From 1980 to 1987, Korean society seemed relatively stable, and the economy continued to grow rapidly, inheriting the 'Miracle on the Han River' during the Park Chung-hee era. However, these achievements clearly come at the expense of democracy and human rights, and the beneficiaries are mainly high-ranking officials and conglomerates. The majority of workers are brutally exploited and oppressed, intellectuals are oppressed, collusion between the government and companies is rampant, military intelligence agencies are rampant, people's political rights and freedoms are being taken away, and social conflict is deepening.

The national democratization movement, sparked by the torture of university student Park Jong-cheol in 1987, broke through the oppression of the regime and became a wildfire. By June of that year, the movement had developed into a national political movement encompassing all major cities in South Korea, just before the death knell of the Chun Doo-hwan regime sounded.

The Fifth Republic (Part 3) There is a future only if we remember history

In June 1987, pro-democracy protests reached their peak throughout South Korea. Chun Doo-hwan again tried to suppress it by force, but this met with opposition from some military officials. Unlike the June 4 Incident in China, where only a few generals, including Xu Qinxian, resisted, most of Korea's military executives and key figures in the ruling party at the time tended to oppose the use of force against the people. Although Chun Doo-hwan is a powerful political figure, public sentiment, including those in power, must be taken into consideration.

In the end, Chun Doo-hwan chose to compromise. On June 29, Chun Doo-hwan's successor, Roh Tae-woo, declared the 'June 29 Declaration', declaring constitutional amendments, the implementation of a direct presidential system, and the release of political prisoners. This marks a significant victory for the Korean democracy movement and signals that democracy is just around the corner.

Chun Doo-hwan hopes that Roh Tae-woo will continue his domestic and foreign policies through democratic means and save himself from the trial. Chun Doo-hwan did not unconditionally trust Lu Tae-woo, but he had no choice. Rather than being replaced by left-wing progressive forces, they naturally prefer to pass on the mantle to like-minded Roh Tae-woo.

Then the 1987 presidential campaign began. As mentioned earlier, the opposition democratic camp split as Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung broke up and the two candidates declared their candidacy. This is not only because of the inherent grievances between the two people, but also because of the authoritarian government's deliberate provocation. In any case, the split of the two golds seriously weakened the competitiveness of the opposition democratic forces and benefited Lutai. However, under the pressure of the election, Roh Tae-woo had no choice but to hold Chun Doo-hwan and other participants in the Gwangju Incident accountable and promise to resolve historical issues. In the end, Roh Tae-woo was elected with 36.6% of the vote, beating Kim Young-sam (28%) and Kim Dae-jung (27%) (the combined vote rate of these two people was clearly far ahead of Roh Tae-woo). The first president of the 6th Republic of Korea.

Due to pressure from the opposition party and strong public opinion, Roh Tae-woo placed Chun Doo-hwan under house arrest and refused to attend the opening ceremony of the 1988 Seoul Olympics. Afterwards, Chun Doo-hwan was officially arrested. However, Roh Tae-woo was an important figure in the Chun Doo-hwan regime, and he always played a role in delaying the liquidation of the old regime and formally deceiving the people. Only after Kim Young-sam came to power did the work to correct the confusion and correct history begin to gain speed. In 1995, even Roh Tae-woo was arrested.

In 1996, a Korean court tried Chun Doo-hwan and others on charges of causing the ‘Double Twelve Incident’ and the Gwangju Incident. The first and final trials sentenced Chun Doo-hwan to death and life imprisonment, respectively. Lu Taiyu was sentenced to 17 years in prison, while other people involved generally received lighter sentences. At the end of 1997, new President Kim Dae-jung announced a pardon for Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo in order to promote social harmony.

However, Chun Doo-hwan has not shown any signs of repentance for the past 20 years since he was pardoned. Instead, he overturned the black-and-white tyranny by publishing books and speeches. In addition, most of those from the military, police, and intelligence agencies who were eligible for pardons or exemptions did not show sufficient reflection. Instead, with good intentions, they did their best to take advantage of the freedoms afforded by the new regime and justify the atrocities they created. For example, they typically describe the Gwangju incident as a “civilian riot,” “infiltration of the North,” “citizens kill soldiers first,” etc., looking for excuses for the military’s crackdown. They also paid for the rule of Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan with partial achievements such as rapid economic development and social stability. This situation continues to this day, and the shadow of South Korea's conservative forces and authoritarian politics always covers the southern part of the Korean Peninsula.

Regarding the light punishment and pardon for Chun Doo-hwan and other key figures of the old forces, opinions are divided depending on whether the actual benefits outweigh the actual benefits and whether the actual benefits are worth the actual benefits. Some believe this would help social reconciliation and democratic transition and end the history of political revenge. But I don't agree. If it is not thoroughly liquidated, enormous remnants of the old forces will remain, making it difficult to achieve social progress. Tolerating well-off executioners who distort right and wrong is even more unfair and humiliating to victims of the dictatorship era, such as the victims of the Gwangju Incident. Moreover, despite this amnesty, the political situation in Korea has not abated and the political struggle is still brutal. One example is the imprisonment of many South Korean presidents in recent years. In my personal opinion, tolerating the old forces not only does not have a very positive effect, but also causes endless harm.

Autocracy is over and democracy is here, but that doesn't mean history is over. The remnants of the dictatorship are still strong, distorting history and distorting facts. More importantly, the old forces have deep roots and are widely connected to today's political, military, police, emotional and economic circles, and are still a large and entrenched community of interests. Even with the establishment of a democratic system, this chain of interests has not been broken, and long-standing abuses such as privilege politics, collusion between bureaucrats and businessmen, and political intervention by military intelligence agencies still exist. For example, the suppression of progressive forces (blacklisting of nearly 10,000 progressive artists, etc.) since the inauguration of the Park Geun-hye administration is a frantic counterattack by conservative forces disguised as democracy, once again revealing the blue face of the dictator. canine. (This is not only in South Korea, but in many countries, the remnants of the old forces are disrupting the dispute and looking for an opportunity to counterattack.)

This is why progressive forces in South Korea fought against the remnants of the old regime. Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun, and Moon Jae-in all made efforts to eliminate deep-rooted evils, reform government officials, and implement justice, but faced fierce opposition. The fact that neither Kim Dae-jung nor Roh Moo-hyun died well shows Korea's ominous political environment and the difficulty of resisting the old powers.

On the other hand, Korean intellectuals record history, refuse to forget it, and try to fight lies. Among them, the Korean literary and art worlds have always been at the forefront of remembering history. Movies 'A Taxi Driver', 'The Attorney', 'Gorgeous Vacation', '29 Years', 'Excavator', 'Dawn of 1987', 'Love of Color'... Our bloody history and the dark years before and after have never allowed our people to forget the cruel and authoritarian times. And this 'Fifth Republic' allows you to see at a glance the historical changes during the Chun Doo-hwan dictatorship era, and also contains historical facts from the rise of the Gwangju Democratization Movement to its suppression.

Many Chinese people do not understand why Koreans remember the Gwangju incident so much. In the modern and contemporary history of the Republic of Korea, Gwangju residents have risked their lives to pursue democracy and write dirges to resist power. These films and television dramas reflect the greatness and fragility of human nature and people's desire for justice and light. Through these works, we can see that many people are sacrificing their lives to protect their dignity and rights as human beings and fight against evil and atrocities. This is what many people accustomed to autocracy do not understand.

Only by deeply reflecting on the tragedies and disasters of its own history can a country or people learn from suffering, realize the shame of tyranny and the value of human rights, and realize lasting democracy and peace. Otherwise, the tragedies of history will repeat themselves in various forms, the country will continue to suffer from tyranny, and the dignity and interests of the people will be trampled upon. Facing history squarely is a prerequisite for healing the nation's wounds. Finding the truth is the foundation of protecting civil rights. Conversely, if we forget history, there is no future for our nation. If we ignore the truth, the era will be covered with lies.

Korean politicians, intellectuals, and the art world have been mindful of the past. This is to counter the behavior of the Kim Jong-un regime and its minions who distort and distort facts into black and white. Since Chun Doo-hwan and others have covered up the ugliness of the dictatorship era and concealed the truth of the atrocities, it is even more necessary for someone to come forward and refute the lies and tell the truth. The struggle between dictatorship and democracy at the political level has ended, but the confrontation over values ​​and the right to speak has not ended.

In a country like China that is still under autocracy, it is of special significance to understand the history of the struggle between democracy and autocracy in other countries. China after reform and opening up and Korea under the Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan regimes have very similar histories. For example, both are experiencing rapid economic growth and superficial social stability, while also facing political pressure and deprivation/violation of citizenship. universal. And how similar the Gwangju incident is to China's June 4th incident, both of which changed the course of history with the military's bloody suppression of domestic peaceful protesters, and the country subsequently sank into authoritarian oppression. The difference is that the country was freed from dictatorship 7 years after the Gwangju Incident, and even partial justice was realized after 10 years. And not only has China repeated the mistakes of Gwangju in 1989, but in 2020, it is still bound by the shackles of authoritarian politics, and democratization and transitional justice are nowhere to be seen.

In China, the 1986 student movement, the 1989 democratization movement, and the June 4 suppression are all sensitive topics that cannot be mentioned publicly. Related movies and TV dramas and literary works are completely banned in mainland China, the truth is buried, and people are deceived. Even after looking at a series of Korean works recording the Gwangju Incident, how can one not feel regret and anxiety when looking at the June 4th Incident, which has not been resolved and justice has not been achieved for the past 30 years?

What is comforting is that many people are already making comparisons and allusions to China while understanding and evaluating this period in Korean history. This "Fifth Republic" was translated by someone with a heart and was widely circulated, causing a great stir. This is an example. This proves that not all Chinese people are brainwashed and deceived, but there are still many people who know right from wrong and yearn for the light.

I believe that in the democratic China of the future, there will be an endless stream of movies, television dramas, and literary works about historical tragedies such as the anti-rightist movement, the Great Famine, the Cultural Revolution, and the June Fourth Movement. Democracy, rule of law, fairness and justice are precious and reshape the morals and soul of the Chinese people. We may be far from such an age of creative freedom, but it will eventually come.

Don't forget the tragedy, don't forget the pain, don't forget history. Forgetting the past means abandoning the victims, betraying the family, country, and world, and being irresponsible toward future generations. The road to the future is paved by the past and present. Only by using history as a mirror to correct mistakes, strengthen the righteous, and eliminate evil will the future of the country and people be bright.